DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.30778

Abstract: The goal of this research consists in examination of current defense policy of Nordic countries associated with geopolitical activity in the Arctic, as well as the potential role of NATO and the European Union thereof. This goal is specified on the example of defense policy of Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden and Finland. An overview is conducted on the role of defense policy of each state within the overall strategic picture of Nordic countries, as well as framework documents. Assessment is given to the defense plans of each aforementioned state. All Nordic countries along with Euro-Atlantic security institutions showed interest in the Arctic. Current risks in the area of security noticeably differ from those existed during the Cold war; each of the Nordic countries encourages the interested parties to responsible economic and political behavior. The article explores defense strategies of the countries that always belonged to the capitalist socioeconomic formation and had no socialist experience, although in the XX century, the island monarchies of Norway, Sweden and Denmark were able to implement most advanced accomplishments of social and technical thought and achieve extraordinary living standards and utmost level of social security for their citizens. Russia has vested interest in the Arctic region substantiated by the historical, cultural, geopolitical, and even pure geographical reasons. This justifies both, competition and cooperation with Nordic countries, which organically fit in the Western civilization.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.32336

Abstract: The goal of this research consists in determination of impact of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People's Party upon the policy of their national governments with regards to Russia. The Progress Party used to be member of the Norwegian government coalition from 2013 to 2020, while the Danish People's Party supported the Danish coalition governments from 2015 to 2019. The analysis of the origin, ideologies, political agenda, and policy of the parties give a more accurate explanation on their position towards Russia, as well as defines the level of their political willpower in influencing the government policy thereof. Research methodology is comprised of content analysis used in examination of the official documents of the Progress Party and the Danish People's Party, comparative analysis used in considering political programs of both parties, as well as various election results and other corresponding data. The conclusion is made that both parties have considerable impact upon the state policy of their countries with regards to the Russian Federation. Moreover, both of them demonstrated no political interest in making Russia the key vector in their foreign policy programs. Being neither of Russophile nor Russophobic nature, their presence in the government did not become the reason for deterioration or improvement of relations with Russia.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.30020

Abstract: This article is dedicated to an overview of the International Youth Forum “Russia and the Turkic World: The Outlook of Youth from Russia and Kyrgyzstan” through the lens of relevant problems of international cultural and humanitarian cooperation in the space of former Soviet Union. This event, organized by the Saint Petersburg Society of Russian-Turkish Relations in the Area of Science and Culture with the support of the Presidential Grants, can be rightfully considered the first relations international event of such format in history of modern Russian-Kyrgyz relations. The Forum was held for two days (April 26-27, 2019) on the platform of Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University named after Boris Yeltsin (Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan). In the center of authors’ attention are the key issues, priorities and objectives of the foreign language and cultural policy of the Russian Federation in Central Asia. The indicated problematic deserves careful attention of the global expert-analytical community in the conditions when the region in question has become an intersection of foreign policy and strategic interests of an entire number of states that hold leading positions in the modern system of international relations.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.33612

Abstract:   The object of this article is the foreign affairs of Italian regions with other countries and their territorial entities. Despite the unitary state structure, Italy is a bright example of “regionalistic” country, within the framework of which the individual administrative-territorial units receive high level of autonomy in different spheres, including international relations. Therefore, de facto Italy can be regarded as “quasi-federation”. Analysis is conducted on the historical peculiarities of foreign activity of the Italian regions. The author examines the norms of Italian legislation on the division of powers between the state and the regions, as well as refers to the statutes of separate regions of Italy in the aspect of regulation of international cooperation. The novelty of this research consists in the analysis of legal framework with regards to the activity of Italian regions as the subjects of international cooperation, their legal capacity in the context of the conducted in Italy policy of decentralization policy. The article determines the key prerequisites for the devolution process in Italy, including contradictions between the South and North of the country, rise of popularity of regionalistic political parties and movements in the 1980s – 1990s, as well as the policy of EU institutions aimed at the establishment of direct contacts between the regions of the European states. The conclusion is made that granting extended autonomy to the Italian regions in sphere of international relations testifies to the erosion of sovereignty towards subnational level, which in turn, allows us resolving the tasks of socioeconomic development of the territories, as well as establishment of cultural and humanitarian connections with foreign countries, including Russia. ,

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.33013

Abstract: This article reviews the role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system. Leaning on the British Russian archival documents, which recently became available for the researchers, the author analyzes the reasons and consequences of conclusion of this agreement between the key European democratic power and Nazi Reich. Emphasis is placed on analyzing the moods within the political elite of the United Kingdom. It is proven that the agreement became a significant milestone in escalation of crisis trends in the Versailles model of international relations. It played a substantial role in establishment of the British appeasement policy with regards to revanchist powers in the interbellum; policy that objectively led to disintegration of the created in 1919 systemic mechanism, and thus, the beginning of the World War II. The novelty of this work is substantiated by articulation of the problem. This article is first within the Russian and foreign historiography to analyze execution of the Anglo-German Naval Agreement based on the previously unavailable archival materials. The conclusion is made that this agreement played a crucial role in the process of disintegration of interbellum system of international relations. Having officially sanctioned the violation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 by Germany, Great Britain psychologically reconciled to the potential revenge of Germany, which found reflection in the infamous appeasement policy. This launched the mechanism for disruption of status quo that was established after the World War I in Europe. This resulted in collapse of the architecture of international security in the key region of the world, rapid deterioration of relations between the countries, and a new world conflict.