DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25024

Abstract: The present article is devoted to how Soviet Union - Italy relations were described by print media of 1922 - 1941. Despite hostility between Bolshevists and Fascists, political relations between Moscow and Rome were rather pragmatic at the interstate level during the aforesaid period. That was reflected in publications and articles of Soviet print media of those years. Facts of effective cooperation between the USSR and Italy in different spheres were frequently underlined, however, aggressive foreign policy appetences of Rome were critiсized. The author based his research on the principles of historicism and objectivity and used the methods of historical genetic analysis and content analysis. As a result of his research, Makulov introduces a number of publications of Soviet print media of 1920 - 1930 on the milestones in the history of development between Moscow and Rome and concludes that Soviet Union - Italy relations were described by print media in a more neutral and reserved way than other aspects of internal and external policy of Mussolini. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25241

Abstract: The subject of this research is the Arctic policy of the Republic of Korea and associated opportunities and challenges for the Russian Federation. South Korea is an active participant in polar researches and has been following its own national Arctic strategy aimed at its national priorities in Arctic zone since 2013. The policy is oriented at transport and economic development of the region and correlates to Russia's interests in attracting foreign investments and technologies to Arctic zone based on a range of parameters. The main research method is the comparative analysis of materials posted on the site of Korean Polar Research Institute. The novelty of the research is caused by the fact that it is the first research in Russian academic literature to be based on analysis of original South Korean materials including official documents. Taking into account an increasingly competitive climate in the region, Russia is interested in keeping the existing parity, thus the Republic of Korea could have become one of Russia's allies. The author of the article defines promising areas of cooperation such as development of the icebreaking fleet, creating the gas hub in Korea, and collective exploration of Northern Sea Route (NSR). 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25298

Abstract: In his research Barabanov describes participation of international actors (EU, USA, Russia) in negotiations regarding the status of Kosovo, reveals the mechanisms of that participation (Control Group and The Three formats) and emphasizes the prevailing role of external forces (but not Serbians or Kosovans) in the process. The author of the article describes a chronological order of negotiations regarding the status of Kosovo, analyzes the main documents that define vectors of these negotiations and contain relevant provisions on the final regulation of the issue. The author studies new reference sources and analyzes the problem from the point of view of universal history applying interdisciplinary approach and comparative method. Barabanov pays special attention to the definition of the status of Kosovo by representatives of Euro-Atlantic actors and their views on international participation in the region. The author demonstrates how the leaders tried to change it based on the Bosnian model which would mean the transfer of functions from United Nations to EU and NATO. The author reveals the unilateral and biased attitude of the West to the problem of the status of Kosovo. Western states try to structure the negotiation process so that the United Nations Security Force recognizes the independence of Pristina. The author of the article offers some original ideas (including the idea about the intermediate role of 'Contant Group Guidelines Regarding Regulation of the Status of Kosovo' that views the question about the status of Kosovo as debatable. The conclusions made by the author based on associated documents evidently prove that the thesis about Ahtisaari plan corresponding to the Resolution of the United Nations Security Force No. 1244 as well as facts of violations from the side of Western countries that later recognized self-proclaimed independency of Kosovo and their international rights. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25236

Abstract: The subject of the research is the analysis of the humanitarian aspect of the Great Britain's foreign policy. The aim of the research is to define conceptual grounds, instruments and conctents of the humanitarian activity performed by the United Kingdom outside its borders. The main research methods include logical terminology and systemic-functional analysis. Using the logical terminology analysis method, the author has defined conceptual framework of the humanitarian aspect of the Great Britain's foreign policy. Using the systemic-functional approach, the author has studied different activities of the Foreign office. Response to extreme situations abroad is defined as the core element of British humanitarian activity. At the same time, the author offers a wider interpretation of that activity as the project of 'soft power' of the United Kingdom in the modern world. The author analyzes 'soft power' strategies of Britain which humanitarian orientation is mostly apparent. This is the policy to expand educational opportunities and promote development of civil society in different countries and regions of the world. The author also analyses what Britain political elite thinks of possible employment of military force based for humanitarian purposes and how the concept of 'Responsibility to Protect' is viewed by the Britain political class. The scientific novelty of the research is caused by the fact that the author evaluates the influence of Brexit on the change of humanitarian contents and values in the Great Britain's foreign policy. The main result of the research is the author's conclusion about negative consequences of Brexit. The author predicts the decline of humanitarian responsibility and role of the United Kingdom in the  modern world. The results of the research can be used in the sphere of education. The research is closed up with the conclusion that there is a great number of factors that influence how states define their own 'humanitarian role' on the global stage. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25402

Abstract: For today's global politics the strategic partnership between Russia and China is growing important including their cooperation within international global and regional organisations. The countries most actively cooperate within The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Despite the initial unity of these countries' opinions regarding the development of SCO, currently they face disagreements that became clear when India and Pakistan joined SCO in 2015. The aim of the present research is to describe the process of interaction between these two countries as part of The Shanghai Cooperation Organization after India and Pakistan joined it. To achieve the aim, the author of the article nalyzed the legal basis of their bilateral relations, main achievements and problems arising in the process of their interaction, uniting factors and points of disagreements between China and Russia as part of SCO, and their views on India and Pakistan joining The Organisation. The methodological basis of the research included analytical and systems approaches. Such methodology allowed a more argumented and objective analysis of the problem, in particular, what causes differences in opinions of Rusia and China as part of SCO. The author also applied the method of comparison to analyze approaches of different scientists on defining geopolitical interests of states in the region and international system in general. The author concludes that SCO activity still remains one of the most important bilateral interaction mechanism in the region and promotes development of the Central Asian Region and reduction of their security issues despite certain differences in opinions between the states. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.21443

Abstract: The subject of the present study is the crisis of the Russia-EU relations triggered by the Ukrainian issue in the context of the development of the Eastern Partnership. Marking out the main directions of the Russian expert discourse on the problematics of the Eastern Partnership, the author emphasizes their the most important aspects and through the lens of the key theses analyzes the differences between the European and Eurasian integration processes competing for political loyalty of the Eastern partners in the zone of Russia's traditional vital interests.  However, the author highlights that the current Russian-European crisis was preceded by the accumulation of deeper structural root causes. In this connection, special attention is paid to the analysis of both the key crisis factors and possible scenarios for the post-crisis development of Russian-European relations through the imminent reorientation of the Eastern Partnership program. In this scenario the author underlines the colossal potential of the participating countries as an interactive and transit platform for the rapprochement of the two integration projects,rather than their mutual opposition. In the article the author is guided by the categories of non-functional regionalism in its broad interpretation within which the geopolitical processes under study are viewed from the position of regional integration associations. In addition, the study used an interdisciplinary approach which contributed to conduction of a more comprehensive analysis of the key crisis factors that led to deterioration of the Russia-EU relations. Within the framework of this article the author comes to several conclusions the main of which are the following theses: 1) The Ukrainian crisis was only a trigger for complication of the Russian-European relations. The real root causes were the structural processes that took place in Europe, which created conditions for aggravation of the relations between Russia and the European Union.  2) The root causes of the intra-European crisis are more complex and less obvious, but jointly they have created all conditions for both the predicted further growth of EU-scepticism and the loss of attractiveness of the European integration model itself. 3) There are at least four main scenarios for further development of the Russian-European relations, which one way or another are tied to the Ukrainian issue. 4) The policy of opposing Russia and the European Union has demonstrated its counterproductive nature, therefore, in policy-making circles of the EU and Russia there is a growing awareness of the need to reconcile, restore mutual trust and seek common ground. 5) Undoubtedly, the Eastern Partnership project has a future, but Brussels should revise its format in order to update its principles and tools in accordance with the requirements of the current international conjuncture. 6) The countries belonging to the Eastern Partnership should not become an object of geopolitical competition, but a territory for combining the two integration projects, thus enhancing the economic effect of their convergence.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25328

Abstract: This article examines cooperation of Russia and Ecuador in the technical and technological spheres. The author traced the history of interaction, covered the present state of affairs, and gave a forecast regarding further cooperation of the two countries. The article also explores cooperation in the energy, military, space, scientific and technological industries, since Ecuador relies on Russia as one of the key, strategically important partners in these areas. The relations between the two states are considered from the point of political and economic efficiency. The study applies a comparative method of analysis, content analysis and historical-genetic method. The sources are mainly official documentation and information from media outlets. The novelty of the article is that it is the first complex attempt in the Russian-language literature to consider the relations between the two countries in these spheres. The main conclusion of the article is that in recent years (during the presidential term of R.Correa) the partnership between Russia and Ecuador has increased markedly and reached a new quality level. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25486

Abstract: The subject of the study is the course, results and possible consequences of the first official visit of French President E. Macron to three African countries: Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana. The author considers such aspects of the issue as the reasons that led to the choice of these countries for the "presidential tour"; the particular attitude of each of these countries toward the Fifth Republic and its Head; the original goal-setting of the Elysee Palace in negotiations with the Heads of the said States of the Black Continent. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the French president announced at the Fifth Summit of the European and African Unions. In the course of the study the author applied a principle of historicism and a comparative political method. This method allowed the author to interpret the results of Makron's visit in the context of historical development of Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire and Ghana. The "African tour" of the Head of the French State took place very recently, in December 2017, thus it has not yet become a subject of study either in domestic or in foreign political science. The author comes to the conclusion that E. Makron's visit can not be evaluated as a success of French diplomacy, it demonstrates the decrease of France's prestige in its former colonies. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25466

Abstract: The article explores Russian-Chinese cooperation on regional and international security issues within the SCO framework. The new global challenges that emerged from the profound transformations of the international system after the end of the Cold War demanded that China and Russia develop new approaches to regional security, which led to the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that currently is an effective mechanism for coordination of positions on a wide range of international issues. And China-Russia relations of strategic cooperation remain the main driving force of the said organization. The methodological basis of this article is a system-structural method. The system method makes it possibleto study the structure of the system as a set of interrelated elements; the structural method makes it possible to identify stable connections inside the system. The merging of these two methods within the framework of exploration of the PRC and RF cooperation in the SCO allowed the author to assess the role and place they occupy within the system (organization); to study their goals and policies in the international arena; to identify a common ground that enabled them to cooperate productively in the SCO; and also to analyze interaction of the SCO with other actors of the international system. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by a comprehensive analysis of the main interests and problems of Russian-Chinese cooperation within the SCO framework. The author has studied a wide range of sources in Chinese and Russian, on their basis the author makes conclusions on trends in the development of the relations between the PRC and the RF in the context of changes in the international system. 

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25258

Abstract: The article analyzes the geostrategic interests of Russia related to recognition of independence of South Ossetia (RSO) with due regard to the "Kosovo precedent". The author substantiates the significance of the region for Russia as well as the role of Russia in ensuring regional security; he analyses the relations between Russia and the RSO through the prism of Russian-Georgian relations. Changes in the political situation in the region are caused by civilizational processes that were formed in the Soviet era and created a latent conflict situation which has turned into an open phase. Despite the future of the RSO as an independent state is unclear, recognition of the RSO sovereignty by Moscow has strengthened its position in the Caucasus and limited presence of foreign troops in the region. The author applies a set of methods: historical (dynamics of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and Russian-Georgian relations development); institutional (interaction of the South Ossetian institutions with international actors); comparative analysis (comparison of specific issues of the development of situation around the RSO and Kosovo); systematic and sociological methods. The scientific novelty of the article lies in an attempt to consider the scenarios for evolution of the situation around the RSO given the actions of all interested actors. The task of the world community is to find solutions to the conflict, the task of Russia is to convince the international community that the RSO can be an independent state. Russia's withdrawal from the conflict zone will lead to aggravation of the situation. Russia should strengthen its geopolitical influence by participation in regional integration projects and by using its potential to strengthen the status of a geopolitical center. Involvement of the region into Russia's sphere of influence is extremely unprofitable for the United States and the EU from the geopolitical point of view. The development of the region is possible only on the basis of the principles of peace and mutual respect.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25390

Abstract: The subject of the article is the interests pursued by Tajikistan and Russia within the Central Asian region. The article elaborates on different categories of interests: national, economic, regional security interests. The author closely examines three strategic goals of the Republic of Tajikistan and Russia's role in addressing regional security issues within the Central Asia region. The relevance of the topic is conditioned bythe growing pace of regional integration in recent years. In this regard, the interests of the parties, their compatibility within the framework of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, the place and role of Tajikistan and Russia in addressing regional issues of economy and security should be identified. The research applies general scientific and particular political and historical research methods, mainly content and event analysis. The novelty of the study is that for the first time the article explores strategic interests of Tajikistan  in the context of its current economic situation and the possibility of economic integration with other states of Central Asia that have already begun to form a new economic space. The main conclusion of the article is that the economic problems of Tajikistan can be solved primarily through breaking the transport impasse, which can only be achieved by establishing cooperation with bordering Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, with which Tajikistan has disagreements over demarcation of the state borders. Also, the author concludes that Russia is the main guarantor of security of the region; under its authority the regional military-political organizations should operate and do operate now.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2018.1.25192

Abstract: The subject of the study is relations between the USSR and Italy in the sphere of aviation in the period of 1922-1938. The author considers a number of aspects of these relations, such as the first Italian flights to the Soviet Union and the return visits of the Soviet delegations to Italy, as well as procurement of Italian aircraft and aircraft equipment by the Soviet Union. The author devotes much attention to the work of Italian aviation specialists in the Soviet Union, such as Umberto Nobile, Felice Trojani and Roberto Bartini, and refers to the sources in the Italian language. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative-historical method which contributes to identification of the general and the particular aspects in development of Soviet-Italian relations in the field of aviation at various stages. The interdisciplinary approach of the work allows the author to go beyond the technical aspects of aviation events and to include their political, ideological, cultural and propaganda components. The scientific novelty of the study is conditioned by the need for a comprehensive study of the Russian and Italian sources that cover such a strategically important sphere of relations between the two states as aviation. The author introduces new sources to scientific circulation, for instance, archival materials from "The Umberto Nobile Documentation Centre" in Italy (which have not been translated to Russian and have not previously been studied in Russia), as well as the memoirs of Italo Balbo, Felice Trojani and Umberto Nobile, which contributed to substantial extension of knowledge about the role of Soviet-Italian relations. As a result, the authors draws a conclusion that, contrary to the popular belief, the ideological confrontation was by no means an obstacle to productive and mutually beneficial cooperation in the aviation sphere in the said period.