The concept of the "long 19th century" as an ideal model for studying socio-political transformations in Indonesia at the regional level

Kyrchanoff Maksym Waler'evich ORCID: 0000-0003-3819-3103 Doctor of History Associate Professor of the Department of Regional Studies and Economics of Foreign Countries, Faculty of International Relations; Associate Professor of the Department of History of Foreign Countries and Oriental Studies, Faculty of History; Voronezh State University; ResearcherID: B-8694-2017; Scopus Author ID: 57193934324 394077, Russia, Voronezh region, Voronezh, Pushkinskaya str., 16, office 236 maksymkyrchanoff@gmail.com Other publications by this author

Introduction. In the modern world, the historical experience of most countries is being written and reinterpreted through the prism of national history. This strategy of writing history was the result of the triumph of the universal political ideology of nationalism in the 19th century. The successes of nationalism, first in the West and later in the East, forced intellectuals to write the stories of those communities to which they belonged or which they studied professionally, not in the context of social, religious or cultural problems, but through the prism of national experience. Throughout the 20th century, several attempts were made to propose theoretical foundations for such synthetic versions of writing stories claiming to be national. In this context, almost every national history feels the need for theoretical understanding and the creation of a certain methodological basis for the production and subsequent reproduction of synthetic "big narratives", which, when writing the history of a particular state perceived in the categories of national, claimed not only universality, but also offered such models of interpretation that could be used by historians when writing their research. Indonesia has not become an exception to such dynamics in the development of historical science, since interpretative models, to a greater or lesser extent, claiming to be universal, were used by both Indonesian and Western historians involved in the study of the history of Indonesia. 

The intellectual situation in Indonesia. Indonesian intellectuals in the second half of the twentieth century actively used Western conceptual approaches to write their own history, which they considered as national history. If by the mid-1960s Marxism claimed the status of this historiographical paradigm, then the political events of 1965 led to the marginalization of leftist tendencies in Indonesian intellectual and political life.

Indonesian intellectuals, including historians, have had to make significant changes to the methodological tools they use to write and understand national history. Since the 1990s, Indonesian historical science has been actively using Western concepts that claimed to be universal. The development of historical science in Indonesia in the second half of the 20th century was generally characterized by ties with the West, which manifested themselves not only in the political and economic spheres, but also in historiography. While most of the participants in the nationalist movement, through whose efforts Indonesia became independent in 1945, were educated in Europe, a similar dynamic took place in the second half of the 20th century not only in the political class, but also within the intellectual community. A number of Indonesian historians were educated by defending master's and doctoral theses at universities in America, Australia and Europe, which stimulated the subsequent introduction of approaches proposed in Western historiography into historical research in Indonesia.

The "Long XIX century" as a universal of historical imagination. Among the approaches claiming the status of a paradigm in historical imagination, historical description and historical writing, integrated and assimilated by Indonesian intellectuals, two concepts proposed by the British Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm occupy a special place ^{[1; 2; 3]}. In this context, we are talking about a theory known as the "long 19th century". The concept in its original version was used almost exclusively for the study of European history in a narrow and Western history in a broad sense. At the same time, the development of interdisciplinary research gradually led to the transplantation of the concept into non-European historical contexts, which made it possible to apply the concept of the "long 19th century" to identify and subsequently analyze both the features of historical development ^[4] and the patterns of social, cultural and economic changes and transformations of predominantly European countries and societies ^[5].

The concept of the "long XIX century" for historians who are used to thinking in a West-centric and Euro-centric coordinate system ^[6], as a rule, begins with the French Revolution and ends, respectively, with the end of the First World War. At the same time, the American historian Edmund Burke points out not only the admissibility, but the importance and necessity of interpreting non-European history through the prism of the concept of the "long 19th century" ^[7]. In general, such a scheme is not only effective as a convenient interpretative model that claims to be universal, but also limited, since it contributes to the excessive schematization of the historical process outside Europe, its excessive convergence with similar phenomena of Western and European history. Despite these formal limitations, the author believes that this concept seems to be quite applicable for studying and writing the history of the non-Western world, including Indonesia.

Methodology. The methodologically presented article is based on the achievements achieved within the framework of interdisciplinary historiography of the second half of the 20th century. The author believes that, analyzing the possibilities or impossibility of transplanting Western historiographical concepts in the context of the history of Indonesia, the processes described using the concept of the "long XIX century" should be analyzed through the prism of intellectual history, cultural history, the history of ideas and the archaeology of ideas. In addition, we can use the concepts proposed within the framework of the theory of modernization and nationalism due to the fact that they allow us to analyze the differences in the social pace and cultural speeds of integration of the Indonesian model of historical humanitarian knowledge into Western contexts by transplanting individual achievements of European historiography into non-European practices and strategies of historical writing.

At the same time, analyzing and interpreting the history of Indonesia through the prism of the concept of the "long XIX century", a certain artificiality of such perception should also be taken into account, since the Muslim world is characterized by its perception of historical time, history and periodization of the latter. Commenting on this problem, the Russian Muslim thinker Heydar Dzhemal emphasized that "there is no past in Islam. What happened in the early years of Islamic history is a permanently relevant archetype, a sacred model, which is again and again understood as the essence of reality – and it is the current daily routine. There is no time gap, there is no transfer of layers of history into the category of legends and into irrelevant archaic. Since 622 A.D. (the first year of the Hijri), the world Islamic community has lived in the eternal present, in modernity ... only modernity, set in its content 1400 years ago" ^[8]. In this context, the transplantation of the concept of the "long XIX century" into Indonesian historical contexts seems quite acceptable, since such a perception of historical time allows us to analyze social and political transformations in a broader chronological perspective without false reference to the periodization of historical time into centennial cycles, which is characteristic of Western imagination and the construction of historical time.

Geographically and chronologically. Geographically, the study of the possibilities of applying the concept of the "long XIX century" in Indonesian contexts may be limited, on the one hand, by the history of Aceh. The historical, social, cultural, political and religious dynamics characteristic of Aceh during the last quarter of the XVIII – late 20s of the XX century actualizes those generic features that are highlighted by Western historians in modernizing and nationalizing societies, which makes it possible to integrate the historical experience of Aceh into the contexts of the history of the "long XIX century".

Purpose and objectives. In the presented article, the author analyzes the concept of the "long XIX century". It is assumed that it may be one of the possible and acceptable models for theoretical understanding and rethinking the historical experience of Indonesia, whose history during the last quarter of the XVII – first quarter of the XX century at the regional and emerging national level was a space of social, political and economic changes, which had both traditional (religious) and modern (ideological) forms of legitimation.

The aim of the author is to analyze the possibility of using the concept of the "long XIX century" as a model for studying the historical experience of Indonesia through the prism of writing the history of this country as the history of the dynamic development of social, political and religious institutions. The author's tasks are 1) to analyze the history of Indonesia through the prism of its integration into theoretical approaches proposed within the framework of the concept of the "long XIX century", 2) to identify the strengths and weaknesses of this conceptual approach for studying the historical experience of Indonesia, 3) to study the limitations that objectively arise due to the fact that the concept of the "long XIX century" it was proposed to study the history of the West, which automatically led to ignoring similar processes in western societies, 4) identifying prospects and opportunities for the subsequent use of the interpretative model of the "long XIX century" as a "great narrative", if to study the history of Indonesia in the last quarter of the XVIII – first quarter of the XX century, geographically limited to Aceh.

Social processes. By the time of the hypothetical "long XIX century", Aceh was an original region with a unique historical experience ^[9], which led to the emergence of political, social and religious relations, institutions and traditions ^[10] based mainly on Islam. Aceh was politically and culturally unique, and self-sufficient so profoundly that during the 19th century the region developed a sense of pride in having its own past and historical experience, which differed significantly from similar indicators of neighboring territories ^{[11, p. 92]}.

That is why the corresponding images of Aceh were constructed as a region that "represented a particularly 'pious' place" ^[12]. Under the conditions of the dominance of such a reputation, constructed in a religiously centered coordinate system, Aceh was perceived as "a border zone characterized by a certain landscape, migration and the gradual integration of the interior into a globalizing economy" ^[12]. An important factor that had a significant impact on the development of Aceh was its geographical location, which influenced the vectors of transformation of Islam in the region. It was geography that stimulated the development of "Islamic cosmopolitanism", which was based on contacts between immigrants from different parts of the Muslim world, who brought ideas that forced local elites not only to accept them, but also to change society, although preference was given to those social innovations that correlated primarily with Islam ^{[13, p. 37-38]}. 

The peculiarity of the situation was that such a system had developed in a society based on Sharia law. By the beginning of the "long XIX century", the basic principles of the latter were clearly recorded in several texts, including "Mir'at al-Tullab" ("Mirror of the Suffering") by Abdurrauf bin Ali al-Singkili, "Safinat al-Hukkam" ("Mirror of the Suffering").The Vessel of Judges”) by Jalaluddin al-Tarusani and “Sabil al-Muhtadin” (“The Way of the Righteous”) by Muhammad Arsyad al-Banjari ^[14]. New trends that suggest the beginning of the "long 19th century" in Aceh have become noticeable since 1781, when Sultan Alauddin Muhammad Shah, who ruled until 1795, came to power. By that time, Aceh had become both a culturally and ethnically distinctive and politically influential state entity, for which Islam played the role of the main factor of consolidation ^[15]. The reign of Alauddin Muhammad Shah was associated with the actualization of new trends in the social and economic life of Aceh society.

Innovations in the economy were regionally determined and limited mainly to the west coast.  Changes in this region were limited by the city's space, which was distinguished by developed trade relations, as, for example, in 1840, the British publicist John Anderson pointed out ^[16]. The latter transformation was largely due to the presence of an urbanized environment as a space not only for economic contacts with other regions, but also for the dominance of Islam and the associated active population. The main obstacle to the complete transformation of Islam into the basis of the social, political and economic organization of local society, that is, by a force comparable in level and depth of influence with Western nationalism, remained Chinese traders ^[17], who, despite their role in the economy, remained an alien element in the socio-economic dynamics of Aceh.

Cities during the "long XIX century" turned out to be the factors that contributed to social transformations, despite the fact that, from the point of view of law, the latter was characterized by a certain stability, being based on Sharia ^[18], which probably excluded the possibility of innovations directed by elites, since the traditional Muslim legal culture did not need such measures I needed it. It is noteworthy that the latter often manifested themselves primarily in the field of Islam. Therefore, "changes in the established forms of religious beliefs and practices in Aceh took place in the context of new political realities, which entailed significant consequences for the reconfiguration of Islamic identity" ^[19].

The presence of a developed urban environment led to an influx of Muslim intellectuals who adhered to Sufism ^[20], one of whom was Daoud Sunur, who died in 1858 ^[21], and has a reputation as one of the central figures in the intellectual history of Islam in Aceh ^[22]. Daoud Sunur lived in Trumon, a port city in Aceh. The role of Daoud Sunur in the religious and social dynamics of the "long 19th century" seems important, since he initiated the Sufi reform ^[23], which significantly changed Islam in Aceh. Sunur probably had connections with the Naqshbandi Sufi order ^[24].

As a result, the religious practices of Muslims in Aceh have changed significantly. Therefore, spiritual exercises and retreats have become important components of Aceh Sufism. Formally, religious practices actually turned out to be subject to significant politicization and ideologization. In such a situation, the authorities were forced to focus on the leaders of the Ummah and integrate religious practices into political mechanisms. For example, believers were prescribed a mandatory seven-day calouet ^[25] as a punishment in the form of penance for any Acehnese who entered the territory controlled by the "infidels", that is, the Dutch colonial authorities. The increase in economic ties led to the penetration of new crops into Aceh, the introduction of which automatically triggered economic and social changes.

Internal migration in Aceh also stimulated the growth of economic ties ^[26] between historically established regions, stimulating, at the same time, the consolidation of identity, which proceeded on a predominantly Muslim basis. In this context, it is difficult to explain exactly how the Dutch policy aimed at creating enterprises and introducing new cultures not only "limited the rights and self-created political institutions of Indonesians" ^[27], but also influenced the identity of the local population, but such measures did have an impact on subsequent development ^{[28; 29]} because they actually legitimized the use of forced labor. According to R. Michael Finer, Aceh "has been an important regional patron of Islamic science since the 17th century" ^[19]. In such a situation, the tradition of Islam's influence on political and social processes persisted throughout the "long 19th century".

Political instability. After the death of Alauddin Muhammad Shah, Alauddin Jauhar ul-Alam Shah inherited power. The most important characteristic of his reign was the continuation of economic and social changes, which was accompanied by an increase in internal political instability, which was already noted by contemporaries ^[30]. Alauddin Jauhar ul-Alam Shah actually stayed in power twice – from 1795 to 1815 and from 1819 to 1823. Sultan Siarif Saif Alam Shah temporarily usurped power from 1816 to 1819. Political destabilization turned out to be temporary and could not change the general vectors of social transformations that began earlier. Alauddin Muhammad Daoud Shah I was in power from 1823 to 1838.

In the following years, Alauddin Suleiman Ali Iskandar Shah (1838-1857), Alauddin Ibrahim Mansur Shah (1857-1870), Alauddin Mahmud Shah II (1870-1874) and Alauddin Muhammad Daoud Shah II (1874-1903) were in power. In the political system of Aceh, during the "long XIX century" the central government gradually lost its powers, and "the sultan was at best a symbolic figure with no real power" ^{[31, p. 13]}. The political dynamics, the main element of which were the tendencies of destabilization, led to the strengthening of the ulema ^[32] as a universal alternative to the secular elites known as ulbalang ^[33]. Commenting on these phenomena, Dutch historians emphasize that the region was becoming very unstable, and "arbitrariness in justice was a normal phenomenon" ^{[31, p. 12]}.

Chronologically, this confrontation turned out to be not only long-lasting, but also developed, on the one hand, in parallel with another confrontation between the declining political system and the growing regional economy, which was actively integrated into the world thanks to Dutch colonialism ^[34]. On the other hand, the crisis of the system led to a growing polarization of society, which turned the ulama and their secular opponents into two centers of attraction, which generated both changes and a request for them, as well as an alternative presented by an archaic political system, the central element of which was the power of the sultan.

The Ulama, who "were experts in explaining and teaching the holy Islamic scriptures, the Koran and Hadith, defending orthodox interpretations of Islam, and wanting rulers to conform to Sharia" ^{[31, p. 12]}, began to be perceived "as militant defenders of Aceh from external threats" ^[19] while the traditional elites went along the way of cooperation with the Dutch. Religious elites, for example, in the person of Habib Abdurrahman al-Zahir, pointed to the need for a kind of social modernization, but under the slogans of Islam, suggesting in the 1860s to strengthen the power of the Sultan by depriving ulbalang of the right to exercise the court, which automatically provided for the transfer of such functions to the Sharia court ^{[31, p. 13]}, but such a project it remained unrealized.

R. Michael Finer, commenting on the social processes in Aceh in the 19th century, believes that "while the apparatus of the colonial state provided new sources of support to maintain the positions of some ulbalang, the ulema came to strengthen their own autonomous position through the creation of Islamic educational institutions known as dayah" ^[19]. In the context of the erosion of traditional political institutions, the role of Islam gradually became more noticeable, which was associated with the migration of the population. Pilgrims and students who were educated in the Middle East brought new ideas to the region, including "strict rules regarding clothing, food and social communication. They obliged women to wear a veil in public places, and men to wear a beard, ordered everyone to wear white clothes, banned cockfighting, gambling and smoking tobacco and opium, built new mosques" ^{[31, p. 8]}.

Similar trends in Aceh have not become a unique phenomenon ^[35], as trends towards Islamic revival have developed in neighboring regions ^[36], stimulating social transformations based on Islam ^[37]. According to Dutch orientalist A. Kappelhof, "it is still unclear whether they were really Wahhabis or were only inspired by them" ^{[31, p. 8-9]}. Despite such a genealogy and archaeology of ideas, the political program associated with Islam was largely modernist in nature. In this context, it is appropriate to mention the assumption of the British historian and sociologist E. Gellner, in which he pointed out the significant adaptive potential of Islam and the tendency of the latter to modernize: "I can imagine what would have happened if the Arabs had won at Poitiers and continued the conquest and Islamization of Europe... we would all admire Ibn Weber's book "The Kharijite ethics and the spirit of capitalism", which would show how modern economic and organizational rationality could develop only thanks to neo-Kharijite Puritanism" ^{[38, p. 7]}. Aceh, as a state where Muslims dominated during the "long XIX century", demonstrates not stability, but dynamics that stimulated social and cultural political transformations. Therefore, the innovations introduced by Muslim believers "met the needs of many residents, since they were beneficial for trade and production" ^{[31, p. 9]}.

External factors. Another equally important factor was the penetration of Europeans into the region, who founded Penang in 1786, which quickly became attractive to economically active Aceh traders who supplied rice, fabrics, but primarily pepper ^[39]. The appearance of Europeans on the territory of Aceh did not at all become its "discovery" to the world and, moreover, did not contribute to its integration into the global historical process, since by that time the Aceh society quite confidently perceived and felt itself as part of the world Ummah, quite actively contacting other Muslim monarchies ^[40], first of all – with the Ottoman Empire ^[41].

At the same time, the range of relations between Acehnese and Europeans was diverse, ranging from trade contacts to open confrontation. For example, in 1786, an attack by the local population on Tapanuli, which was controlled by the British, led to a retaliatory punitive expedition. However, this tactic proved ineffective. Therefore, the British relied on the internal destabilization of Aceh. For example, in 1787 and 1791 there were two uprisings supported by the British, which did not lead to radical changes. The community that tried to benefit from European penetration turned out to be the Ulema. Muslim intellectuals during the "long 19th century" turned out to be a virtually split group, as their attitude towards Europe ranged from cooperation with the colonial authorities to a sharp rejection of the latter.

Supporters of the confrontational model actively used rhetoric aimed at legitimizing Prang Sabil ^[42] or jihad ^[43], which significantly influenced later interpretations of the conflict, which was perceived in a religious coordinate system ^[44]. In the last quarter of the "calendar" 19th century, texts known as "Hikayat Prang Sabi" appeared on the territory of Aceh ^[45]. According to Amirul Hadi, "Islamic resistance to colonial rule was provided by the Acehnese, especially during the war against the Dutch from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century, which is known as the longest and bloodiest war waged by a European power" ^{[46, p. 450]}. The central ideas of the texts forming Hikayat Prang Sabi were the struggle against the Dutch as non-Muslims and the glorification of martyrdom simultaneously for the faith ^[47] and to a lesser extent for Aceh, which actually turned jihad in particular ^[47] and Islam in general into a "central, but also confrontational and oppositional aspect of Aceh identity" ^[19].

During the "long 19th century", the influence of Europeans in Aceh gradually grew, which stimulated not only political destabilization, but also socio-economic changes. In 1824, the Treaty of London was signed between Great Britain and the Netherlands ^[48], as a result of which the British ceded control of Sumatra in favor of the British, including Aceh, which was virtually uncontrolled by them, in respect of which a compromise was reached, under which both the Netherlands and Great Britain mutually had to recognize Aceh independence ^[49]. Despite this, in 1871, the Netherlands actually began to pursue a policy aimed at eliminating Aceh. The war in Aceh, which began in 1873, actually lasted until the first half of the 1940s, which led to the elimination of the region's independence ^[50]. In addition, the conflict in Aceh stimulated the development of such phenomena as "forced mobility and efforts to politically or infrastructurally connect or disconnect colonial subjects from each other", which was associated with "mutually constituent elements of the policy of deterritorialization and reterritoriality, depending on the functioning of the empire" ^[12].

Transformation of identity. The military conflict with the Dutch became the factor that consolidated the "concept of a strong Islamic identity" ^[19]. It was precisely this identity in Aceh that consolidated by the beginning of the "calendar" XX century, although in general the social dynamics changed slightly, actualizing to a greater extent both continuity and similarity with those processes that began in the XIX century. Attempts by the Netherlands not only to put Aceh under control, but also to unify it with the rest of the territories under their control have led to contradictory results. In this situation, Islam became the central space within which these transformational processes took place.

Therefore, as R. Michael Finer emphasizes, "in the first decades of the 20th century, the transformation of the internal dynamics of Aceh society was caused by new tensions arising from debates over different views on what constitutes true Islamic faith and practice" ^[19]. In the current situation, social and political processes were interpreted through the prism of Islam. The most important innovation in the dynamics of the social, political and cultural history of Aceh related to Islam was an attempt to radically break with those practices that historically developed and dominated during the "long XIX century".

Young Aceh Muslims became a source of change ^[51], as it was they who "returned after studying abroad, began to bring with them some modernizing views on Islam, which spread to West Sumatra, Java, Egypt and other places. These reform-minded activists sharply criticized the traditions of Sufism and jurisprudence" ^[19], which Aceh society was forced to use in the first quarter of the 20th century in the absence of alternatives of both Muslim and secular nature. In this regard, the historiography emphasizes that "since Aceh was identical to Islam, this religion became the basis of its social and political life.

In the Islamic state, the ruler (sultan) was considered to be Caliph Allah fi al-Ard (the viceroy of God on earth) or Zil Allah fi al-Ard (the shadow of God on earth)" ^[46], which indicated the central role of Islam in political culture. The situation was aggravated by the fact that such Muslims began to write their texts in Latin, causing both distrust and open denial on the part of the conservative-minded part of the Ummah. The result of such polarization of society was clashes between modernists and traditionalists over control of the madrasah in the city of Sigli in 1927. American historian R. Michael Finer, commenting on the growing polarization and fragmentation of Aceh society, emphasizes that in the second half of the 1920s, a split among educated Muslims became noticeable, the line of which was not only in the field of interpretation these or other problems, but also at the external level, since representatives of the new generation of theologians "preferred trousers and ties rather than sarongs and turbans" ^[19].

A year later, another event will take place, not of Aceh, but of Indonesian scale, known as the "Youth Oath" ("Sumpah Pemuda"), which marked the beginning of a meaningful new stage in the history of Indonesia. Most likely, there is no direct and immediate connection and, moreover, interdependence between the events of 1927 and 1928. Nevertheless, the events in Sigli pointed to the trends of growing fragmentation of Aceh society and its greater integration into the pan-Indonesian contexts of the coming new period, which we can conditionally define as the "short 20th century".

Conclusions. The analyzed concept of the "long XIX century", if we transplant it into the historical context of Indonesia, has both strengths and weaknesses.

As for the strengths of this concept, a number of factors should be taken into account. Firstly, an analysis of the history of Indonesia through the prism of the studied approach is possible – it allows us to identify common features that were characteristic of both the historical development of Indonesia and the West. Secondly, considering the history of Indonesia using the approach of E. Hobsbawm, we can analyze the historical process in isolation from the dominant early positivist interpretations, perceiving the phenomena that took place through the prism of socio-economic history or religious history. Thirdly, religious history is of particular importance in this context, since an analysis of the history of Indonesia of the studied period through the prism of such interpretative models allows us to show that Islam was not only an important factor in the identity of Indonesians, but also an equally important stimulus for social, political, economic and cultural changes.

Thus, analyzing the history of Indonesia through the concept of the "long XIX century", we can significantly expand the number of factors taken into account by historians. Therefore, this approach has a largely revisionist potential, because when studying the history of Indonesia as the history of the "long XIX century", we inevitably come into conflict with previously dominant interpretations in historiography. In such a situation, the opportunity to look at social processes in Indonesia in a different way, at the combination and coexistence, parallel co-development of both social and national movements, is actualized. In addition, the role of Islam may be interpreted differently, which turns out to be not so unambiguous, but different from the assessments of previous generations of historians.

Therefore, the use of the concept of the "long XIX century" allows us to interpret the history of Indonesia as a multifactorial process in which various social groups were involved not only in class struggle, but also were carriers of different forms of identity – from civil to religious – and Islam was not just the religion of the majority, but was an equally important factor in social, political and economic changes and transformations, although earlier some authors emphasized the conservative nature of the Islamic factor, which was perceived as an obstacle to political and socio-economic changes that took place within the framework of modernization processes.

In addition to the strengths, the concept of the "long XIX century" has weak qualities that indicate its limitations.

The concept discussed in this article originated in the West. Therefore, it is actively used to study Western history, which is not only appropriate, but also supported by relevant comprehensive research. Attempts to transplant it into Indonesian contexts are artificial and situational in nature. In such a situation, the potential of the comparative approach is not fully actualized, and following historiographical cliches significantly narrows the research horizons that can open up to historians involved in the study of the social, political, economic and religious history of Indonesia.

In general, it should not be excluded that the potential of the concept of the "long XIX century" may be in demand by new generations of historians, but this scenario will be realized only if the academic community interprets and perceives the history of Indonesia through the prism of interdisciplinarity, which will allow, using both the historiographical heritage and the potential of revisionism, more to analyze holistically and effectively the parallel co-functioning and simultaneous co-development of religious and secular factors in the history of the "long XIX century".

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