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Philosophical Thought

On the question of the origins of Berdyaev's creativity. Historical excursion into Russian-Italian cultural relations

Kudaev Aleksandr Egorovich

PhD in Philosophy

Associate Professor, State Academic University of Humanities (GAU); Gnessin Russian Academy of Music

119049, Russia, Moscow, Maronovsky Lane, 26

Other publications by this author








Abstract: The article is devoted to one of the most important sources of Berdyaev's creativity, which is usually overlooked when studying his legacy. We are talking about the philosopher's Italian travels, which had a "huge" influence on his work. But since his trips go far beyond the boundaries of his personal experience alone and fit seamlessly into the general context of Russian-Italian cultural ties, it seemed appropriate to turn to their expanded disclosure within the broader theme of "Italy and Russia" in order, on the one hand, to show the inextricable connection of Berdyaev's Italian travels with this centuries-old tradition, thanks to which formed the soil that will become a breeding ground for many of the defining provisions of Berdyaev's aesthetics. And on the other hand, against this broader historical background of cultural ties between our countries, the declared topic appears more multifaceted, highlighting the full significance and influence of Italian travels on Berdyaev's work, and at the same time demonstrating their far from accidental nature, which caused both his research interest in Italian culture and the conceptual foundations of his philosophical- aesthetic thought. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that it is the first attempt in Russian literature to study Berdyaev's Italian travels as one of the most important sources of his work, which have not yet been the subject of special study. In addition, they are viewed against a broad background of Russian-Italian cultural ties that have been formed over several centuries, which the Silver Age inherited as an established tradition. This makes it possible to identify both their organic connection and continuity with this tradition, and hence their quite natural character, and Berdyaev's active role in the development and strengthening of these ties.


Berdyaev, Italy, journeys, Russian-Italian relations, cultural influences, The Silver Age, Muratov, Institute of Italian Culture, new italy, Florence

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

For me, Italy and Russia are connected by an equal sign...

Italy... what we unconsciously breathe from the cradle...

Italy is not only in Italy. Italy is in our roots!

B. Parsnips

Italy has given me infinitely much and I love it

exceptional love.

N. A. Berdyaev

Love for Italy is an indicator of the height of enlightenment.

By the way they love Italy and what they love about it, you can

to judge the hararkter of the epoch... We are her granddaughters


V. Ivanov

The article is devoted to one of the most important sources of N. Berdyaev's creativity, which, however, is usually overlooked and in fact is not even touched upon in the study of his creative heritage. However, speaking about the development of aesthetic views of the thinker in general and the formation of his philosophy of beauty in particular, it is absolutely impossible to ignore the topic: "Berdyaev and Italy", as well as the issue of Russian-Italian cultural ties, meaningfully related to it, in the context of which his special attitude to this "blessed land" and, first of all, to its cultural and artistic and aesthetic achievements was formed, i.e. to pass by the country that played in his spiritual development almost plays a decisive role. As the philosopher himself later admitted, traveling in Italy, this "sacred land of divine beauty", had "great significance" for him [1, p. 124]. "I experienced Italy very strongly and acutely" [2, p. 460]. This determines its importance for understanding not only the formation of Berdyaev's philosophy of beauty, but also his creative development as a whole, since Italian travels had a direct impact on his literary destiny. In any case, his first proper aesthetic work "The Meaning of Creativity" (not limited, of course, only to the specified problems), was the result of these trips.

The need to address this topic is also dictated by the fact that it has not yet become the subject of special study, although there is no need to talk about its importance. The only author who addressed her directly was A. Kara-Murza [3, pp. 202-209], however, on the one hand, he concerned only N. Berdyaev's second trip to Italy, which took place in the period from November 1911 to March 1912, without mentioning the first one at all (September, 1904 G.), which turned out to be key and decisive in the aesthetic development of the philosopher, and on the other hand, he also touched more only on the external side of the second journey, without specifically addressing the consequences that this journey had for the aesthetic and creative development of N. Berdyaev. The author of the book about N. Berdyaev in the ZhZL series, O. Volkogonov, also concerns only the second Italian journey [4, pp. 164-166], but only in the general context of the event canvas of this period of the philosopher's life, without making it the subject of special consideration. And although she still mentions his first trip to Italy, she mentions it, and again in the general context of his other European trips: "... in the summer of 1904, Berdyaev went to Europe (to Germany, Switzerland, where he took part in a philosophical congress, then to Italy)..." [ibid., p. 85]. And no more mention of it...

As a result, the lack of elaboration of this issue has led to the fact that N. Berdyaev's second Italian journey is beginning to be perceived by some researchers as the only one (but for some reason paradoxically declared at the same time as the "first"!?. Cf.: "N. A. Berdyaev's first close acquaintance with the Renaissance culture occurred in Italy in the winter of 1911/12.") [5, p. 99. Italics are mine. A. K.]. The philosopher's winter journey is also declared "the first" in the special dictionary "Russians in Italy" [6]. And for other authors, this is his winter journey (also, by the way, appearing as the only one, although he was in Italy three times!)in turn, it will shift by a year and "stretch" (instead of five months!) by two ("1912-1914"!?), if not for all three years [7, p. 64]. Even such a well-known specialist in Russian aesthetics as V. Bychkov, who undoubtedly made the greatest contribution to the study of N. Berdyaev's aesthetic heritage [see, for example, his works: 8-11], touched on this issue only in passing, starting only from his article "The Feeling of Italy", moreover, using it only in as an introductory material to the presentation of Berdyaev's concept of beauty [11, pp. 655-656]. Along the way, this topic was also touched upon by the author of this article [12, pp. 77-80], but only in the general context of the formation of the aesthetic views of the young N. Berdyaev. And although the material of both trips was involved in this work, however, this topic was also not the subject of special study. Therefore, the task is to fill this gap, to restore the full picture of his travels, and most importantly to identify their goals and the influence that they ultimately had on both the aesthetic and the general creative development of the philosopher.

However, considering that this is the first work of this kind (when N. Berdyaev's Italian travels are considered not just as one of the episodes of his biography, as they have appeared so far, but from the point of view of the influence they had on his philosophical-religious and aesthetic development, i.e. in as one of the most important sources of his creative heritage), it seems advisable to first turn to their broader cultural and historical context - RussianItalian relations, which will be the primary subject of this article, thus serving as a kind of introduction to the actual problems of travel (without which the latter can hardly be disclosed and comprehended in full, as they deserve).Since Italy, as is known, played a huge role in the development of a whole galaxy of various representatives of the Russian creative intelligentsia, and, significantly, for several centuries, thanks to which that fertile cultural, historical and spiritual soil was formed, which will become a breeding ground for many of the defining provisions of Berdyaev's aesthetics. As P. Muratov noted at the time, in Russia "there was not a single sensitive heart, not a single clear mind that would pass by this great topic indifferently" [13, p. 4]. Indeed, there was no country that would have such a broad and profound influence on the artistic and aesthetic development of Russian culture like Italy. Against this broader historical background the common cultural, artistic and spiritual ties of our countries - and the declared theme, thus, will be presented more fully and comprehensively, highlighting the full significance and influence, as well as its own characteristics, of Italian travel in the works of N. Berdyaev. In addition, it will show that the latter were not only far from accidental (and even more spontaneous, as it may seem at first glance), but had a centuries-old tradition that conditioned both his research interest in this country and its culture, and the conceptual foundations of his philosophical and aesthetic thought.

Cultural ties between Russia and Italy, as you know, go back to the distant past. Their fruitful interaction was undoubtedly facilitated by the commonality of spiritual origins, going back to the single Byzantine archetype [14, p. 15-18], which initially put Italy in a special position compared to other European countries, where such a commonality with the roots of Russian culture was not observed [15]. For several centuries, Russians and Italians have been closely cooperating in various fields of diplomacy, politics, religion, science, history, philosophy, art, etc.

Russian Russian's first documented visit to Italy took place in the XV century [16, p. 7], when a representative delegation of the Russian Orthodox Church headed by Metropolitan Isidore of Kiev arrived in 1438 at the invitation of the Vatican at the Ferraro-Florence Cathedral (1438-1439), for the sake of concluding a Union with the Western Church in view of the Turkish threat [17-19]. And although the union of churches was not implemented then [20, p. 5], however, Italian culture already made an indelible impression on the Russian delegates, giving rise to increased interest in this "overseas country".And soon after returning to their homeland, these impressions began to find their way out in a variety of works, both in genres and orientation, among which stand out such as: "The Exodus of Abraham of Suzdal" [see podr.: 21],"The Tale of the Eighth Council"the Suzdal priest Simeon, "Going to the Florence Cathedral" by an unknown author and "A Note about Rome" [17, p. 73; 22, p. 48], which turned out to be the very first Russian descriptions of Western Europe [23, p. 32]. Based on these works (the so-called "Florentine cycle"), since they were created by different people and besides, who perceived this distant country differently, different ideas about Italy and Italy began to form in the minds of Russian people. On the one hand, it was presented as a country of "unrighteous Catholic land", with its "Latin pride and violence", and, consequently, hostile to Russian Orthodox people. But on the other hand, it is also a part of the Christian world, and a very special and unique part. Suffice it to recall that for Russian religious pilgrims, Italy was a holy land in almost the literal sense of the word. Even among the Old Russian scribes, Rome itself steadily enjoyed the greatest authority as the first foundation of Christianity, as the "first kingdom of Christ" [24, p. 129]. The Apostles Peter and Paul were buried in Rome. In the Roman catacombs, which were described as religious and archaeological monuments (by the way, with the active participation of Russian pilgrims), there were tombs of the first Christians, the first popes, as well as martyrs of the first centuries of Christianity. The relics of St. Mark the Apostle rested in Venice. In the Italian city of Bari, there was a religious shrine, especially revered by Russian people, such as the relics of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, Bishop of Myra, which were brought here from Byzantium back in 1087. And this is not a complete list of Christian shrines that were of particular interest to Orthodox pilgrims [25, p. 112].However, it may be most important, at least for our topic from the same period, the idea of Italy as an amazing country of magnificent masters and outstanding works of art began to form [26, p. 17].

The marriage of Grand Duke Ivan III with Zoya Palaiologos (1472), the niece of the last Byzantine emperor, but who had lived in Rome before and who took the name of Sophia after Orthodox baptism, was also of great importance for the development and strengthening of Russian-Italian ties. Russian Russian court aristocracy also made its own adjustments to the perception of Italy among part of the Russian court aristocracy and contributed not only to a more active political dialogue between representatives of Ivan III and Sophia's trustees Pope Paul II and Cardinal Vissarion of Nicaea [20, pp. 6-7], but also to strengthening the prestige of the Russian state in international relations and the authority of the grand ducal power within the country. At the same time, these events gave a powerful impetus to the development and ties in the field of artistic culture.It was during these years, during the reign of Ivan III, that the first serious artistic and cultural Russian-Italian relations began, when the first Italian master architect, Aristotle Fiorovanti (ca. 1415-1486), was invited to Russia in 1475, and the creative result of this invitation was the "first Italian building" in Russia [27, pp. 90, 91] The Assumption Cathedral in the Moscow Kremlin (1475-1479), which opened a "new chapter" in the history of Moscow and Russian architecture as a whole [28, p. 7]. In addition, he is credited with the creation of a master plan for the new walls and towers of the Kremlin, the construction of a Cannon Yard, as well as a secret underground storage on the territory of the Moscow Kremlin for the legendary Ivan the Terrible Library [see: 29]. Thus, the beginning of creative ties was laid and it turned out to be a promising beginning. From now on, this creative dialogue with Italy has never been interrupted.

In the future, such Italian masters as Mark Fryazin worked in Moscow,Pietro Antonio Solari (who earned the title of "chief architect of Moscow") and Aleviz Novy, who built wonderful palace chambers. This is the building of the State House (1485), and the Small Embankment Chamber (1487), which have not survived to this day. According to the projects of Marco Ruffo, the construction of the Spasskaya, Beklemishevskaya and Nikolskaya towers of the Kremlin (1491) was started. Together with P. Solari, Marco Ruffo built, among other things, the famous preserved to this day Faceted Chamber (1487-1491). According to the project of Aleviz Novy, the Archangel Cathedral was erected (1508) [podr. for the activities of these masters, see: 27-28; 30-33]. In essence, these masters created a new look of Moscow.In addition, they also built first-class fortifications for their time. Russian Russian architecture It is significant that during the construction of the above buildings, they used building elements characteristic of Italian Renaissance architecture, which began their active penetration into the original soil of Russian culture, and thereby the formation and development of links between Russian culture and the achievements of the Italian Renaissance [see, for example: 32; 34-36].

However, until the XVIII century, such contacts were mostly episodic. Closer ties were hindered not only by the territorial remoteness of Italy, but also by considerable differences in the development of the two countries: natural and climatic, national, political, cultural, and, perhaps even more, religious. As V. Zenkovsky noted in this regard, before the "shock of the reformation", the West as a whole was a religious unity and for the Russian consciousness acted "all in all "Latin"", and this religious characteristic of it, "which, of course, did not cover the national-political and cultural characteristics of individual peoples, nevertheless dominated over them and an almost impassable wall separated Russia from the West. Russian Russian Reformation, which broke the religious unity of the West, unwittingly softened this picture in the eyes of the Russian people and even brought those who, together with the Russians, were against the "Latins" closer to us" [37, p. 12]. And although such "difficulties in communication" will be "softened" and overcome already in the XVII century, however, only in the era of Peter the Great's transformations, thanks to the active foreign policy of Peter the Great, when the great reformer managed not only to modernize the Russian state, but also radically change the subject and style of Russian art, ties with Italy become more permanent and purposeful. And very quickly Italy became a desirable destination for both short-term trips and long-term trips. It is known that Peter I's personal interest in Italy (in particular, Venice) was huge. And although, according to the generally accepted point of view, he failed then to realize his intention to visit the "city of bridges and canals" (however, various documents from the Venetian archives cited in recent years still testify in favor of a different version, see e.g.: 38; 39, pp. 32-36), nevertheless, this interest in mutual ties on both sides bore fruit (including contributing to the fact that the title of emperor for Peter I was first recognized /1721/ by the Republic of Venice) [40, p. 17]. In any case, it was in the years of Peter the Great that the new capital, St. Petersburg, literally emerged from oblivion, the foundation of which, according to A. S. Pushkin, Peter I "cut a window into Europe", gradually began to acquire the glory of the "most Italian" city in Russia. It is significant that the Italians themselves called St. Petersburg "Northern Venice" or "Northern Rome" [41]. And this city was so called not only because Petersburg really resembled Venice with its rivers and canals (according to S. Androsov's assumption, the "image of Venice" was already taken into account when the city was founded and built on the Neva, and the similarity between them was originally laid by its founder) [38, p. 134] but not in To a lesser extent, it also resembled Venice in its beauty.Peter I shrewdly felt and realized that Italian masters need to learn not only various "crafts and sciences", but also to adopt their "innate sense of beauty" [42].

Of the Italian masters who worked in St. Petersburg in different years, starting with the reign of Peter I, first of all it is necessary to name Domenico Trezzini (1670-1734), who was the first to arrive at the invitation of the tsar in 1703 (by the way, in the year of the founding of the city) and up to 1716 was the main architect of St. Petersburg, having actually headed it the whole construction business. It is also important to note here that it was Trezzini who put an end to the spontaneous construction of Russian cities and developed a plan for St. Petersburg. According to his projects, the first fortifications of the city were laid, the Alexander Nevsky Lavra and Kronstadt, part of the regular layout of Vasilievsky Island was completed; the reconstruction of the Peter and Paul Fortress (which he turned into a stone one) was begun, the Summer Palace of the Emperor in the Summer Garden (1714) was erected, preserved in its original form until our time; Peter and Paul Cathedral (1733) is one of the most famous buildings in St. Petersburg; Petrovsky Gate (1708, completely rebuilt in stone in 1716-1717) the front entrance from Trinity Square in honor of Russia's victories in the Northern War; Galernaya Harbor (1734), the building of the "Twelve Colleges" (1734) and many others (not extant to this day) structures, essentially initially defining the appearance of St. Petersburg.

It is also a number of other Italian masters who have made a huge contribution to the architectural and construction development of the new capital: Francesco Rastrelli,Antonio Rinaldi, Giacomo Quarenghi, Carlo Rossi and many others. It is impossible to list all the architectural monuments that were created by these masters over the years of their activity in St. Petersburg (from J. Quarenghi has reached us about 30 first-class structures) [podr. for this, see: 41-44]. But in order to fully present and evaluate the results of this fruitful activity, it is enough to say that, on the one hand, without their creative contribution to the formation of Northern Venice, even today we cannot imagine the architectural appearance of the city recognized as one of the most beautiful cities in Europe, and, on the other hand, as rightly noted, "without they there would be no Petersburg itself!" [42].And not only St. Petersburg, since many of them worked in different cities of Russia. But they may have made an even greater contribution by the fact that many Russian architects of that time experienced the influence of their work [45, p. 214]. Moreover, the contract with foreign masters invited by Peter I specifically stipulated a clause obliging them to have Russian students (it is known that Peter I looked at the invitation of expensive foreign masters as a forced and temporary measure, and hoped to solve the problem of training his own specialists as soon as possible). Russian Russian-Italian relations and, nevertheless, it was from this period that a new page was opened not only in the history of Russian-Italian relations, but also in the development of Russian artistic culture as a whole. Russian Russian rulers, starting with Peter I, did not limit themselves to inviting Italians (as well as other foreigners) to the service, but the most capable Russian masters were sent to study in "overseas countries" as pensioners (i.e. at the state expense) [see about this podr.: 41-45]. In order to remove the problem of the language barrier, earlier, back in 1697-1700, an Italian school was founded in Moscow on behalf of Peter I, in which Italian was to be taught [see: 46].

The first Russian envoy sent to Italy in 1715 to study fine arts was the former orderly of Peter I, diplomat and architect Yuri Kologrivov (1680/85-1754) [47; 48, p. 116]. The following year, twenty aspiring artists were sent to Venice to receive further art education [44, p. 21, 23].Russian Russian painter Ivan Nikitin (c. 1690 c. 1742) was among them, who was destined to become the first Russian artist of Modern times and the founder of the Russian portrait school of the XVIII century [ibid., pp. 63-71; 49]. Following them, but already to Rome, went the first future architects: P. Eropkin (1689-1740) [50-51], T. Usov (1700-1728) [33, pp. 573-575], F. Isakov and P. Kolychev. These events, according to one of the first researchers of Russian art of the XVIII century P. N. Petrov, marked "the beginning of a real artistic life in our fatherland" [cit. by: 44, p. 23. My italics. A. K.].

In addition, the foundation of the Academy of the "three most notable arts" in Russia (1757) will give an additional impetus to the development of Russian-Italian relations in the field of artistic culture. On the one hand, its graduates, who graduated from the course with a gold medal, were entitled to a pension to improve their skills in Italy [see: 52; 53]; in the coming years, historical painters A. P. Losenko (1737-1773) and P. I. Sokolov (1753-1791), sculptor F. A. Losenko (1737-1773) will become pensioners of the Imperial Academy of Arts in Italy. I. Shubin (1740-1805) was later a professor at the St. Petersburg Academy of Arts, who brought up new generations of Russian artists. On the other hand, the arrangement of permanent academic exhibitions leads to the emergence and development of the Russian art market, which again will link Russia with Italy, since it is from Italy that the most diverse works of art will be mainly supplied (from which the first Russian art collections will begin to form, constantly replenished by the efforts, first of all, of such patrons as: I. I. Shuvalov (1727-1797), M. I. Vorontsov (1714-1767), D. A. Golitsyn (1734-1803), etc.) [see also: 54]. As a result, among aristocrats, enlightened and wealthy nobles, and later representatives of other estates, a new Russian phenomenon begins to form an interest in art collecting.

Since the XVIII century, the active bilateral development of musical and theatrical ties has also begun. It was in Peter's time that the idea of a court opera house arose. And although Peter I himself did not have any special predilections for music and theater, nevertheless, he actively supported this idea itself for reasons of state prestige (since opera was an obligatory attribute of court ceremonial in all monarchies) [55, p. 52]. The source of the secular musical opera tradition in the XVIIXVIII centuries was again Italy. Italian opera has spread throughout Europe, including Russia. Therefore, it is not surprising and this is significant in this case that the first Italian opera troupe (1735) under the direction of the famous composer and conductor Francesco Araya (1709-1771), who performed on the Russian stage for almost a quarter of a century, came to Russia. It is with the activities of Araya that the formation of opera art in Russia is associated.As a composer, he made his debut with the production of the opera The Power of Love and Hate (1736), with which the history of the Russian opera theater begins [56, p. 69]. Russian Russian opera, which was written by A. P. Sumarokov in 1755, was an entire epoch in the history of Russian art, since it was the first opera with a Russian text and, moreover, performed exclusively by Russian artists. In addition, almost twenty years later he created the opera "Cephalus and Procris" (1755, the libretto was written by A. P. Sumarokov).

At various times, other famous Italian composers have also served as kapellmeisters in Russia, such as: Russian Russian composer Baldassare Galuppi is one of the leading masters of Italian comic opera, who was called Raphael in music, who greatly contributed to the establishment of a new style of Russian church singing (the future outstanding Russian composer D. Bortnyansky will be his pupil) [57; 58]; Giovanni Paisiello is the largest representative of the Neapolitan opera school, an outstanding master of operabuffa, who raised this genre is at a new stage of development [59]; J. Sarti, invited to St. Petersburg in 1784 as the court conductor of Catherine II and worked in Russia for almost two decades, while preparing a number of future Russian composers, such as L. Gurilev, S. Davydov, S. Degtyarev and D. Kashin; as well as Domenico Cimarosa the most famous composer of Italy, the most prominent representative of the Neapolitan Opera school, who completed, along with Paisiello and Piccinni, in his work the evolution of Italian comic opera of the XVIII century; and, finally, Vincenzo Manfredini the first court composer and kapellmeister at the court of Emperor Peter III (under Catherine II, on her personal behalf, also supervised the musical studies of the heir to the throne Pavel Petrovich). And here it is important to note that in Russia, as it is not difficult to see from the list of invited Italian masters, not random people from music who failed to prove themselves in their homeland worked, but outstanding musicians who were at the forefront of artistic and aesthetic positions of their time, which, of course, could not but affect the level of formation Russian musical culture.On the other hand, the fact that the listed Italian masters were outstanding representatives of opera buffa (which, in fact, originated on Italian soil only in the 30s of the XVIII century), directly affected the development of Russian opera art, since comic opera took a very special place in Russia [60, p. 143, 147]. Russian Russian music was able to manifest itself for the first time as an established direction and put forward its outstanding masters only in the conditions of opera-comedy, in the conditions of the theatrical stage" [61, p. 7. My italics. A. K.]. In any case, it was this genre on Russian soil that was destined to become "the initial stage of the development of professional composing schools" [ibid. The italics are mine. A. K.].

In addition, not only individual figures of Italian musical and theatrical art came to Russia, but also entire troupes. Ballet dancers were also widely represented in Russian theaters. As a result, the Italian musical theater played an extremely important role in the formation and development of Russian art. And this did not pass by the attention of Italian authors writing about the theater. In the late 70s of the XVIII century, P. Signorelli's work "Critical History of Ancient and Modern Theaters" (1776) appeared in Naples, which stated - already as a fait accompli the birth of the national Russian theater.As a result, such a fruitful influence of Italian masters led to the fact that for many Russian people Italy became associated primarily with music, and Italian music became an obligatory companion of court balls and festive celebrations. As a result, the Italian origin itself began to be perceived as a kind of standard in the field of art.

With regard to the regularity and fruitfulness of such ties, the XVIII century turned out to be a turning point and indicative so much that voices even began to be heard about the capture of the Russian soul by Western culture. "The XVIII century gives us a picture of such a fascination with the West that it is rightfully possible to say that the Russian soul was "captured" by the West" [37, p. 13]. But this "captivity" had its positive side. In any case, since the second half of the XVIII century, Europe has ceased to be perceived only as an alien Latin space. The active penetration of Italian culture into Russia, the spread of education with the simultaneous influence of Enlightenment ideals, have borne fruit. More and more educated nobles are beginning to include Italy in the mandatory route of their foreign travels. In aristocratic circles, the opinion is being asserted, which is becoming dominant, that it is impossible to become a truly European educated person without visiting Italy [62, p. 112]. As a result, thanks to the constantly increasing number of pilgrims for "antiquity and beauty", the image of "beautiful Italy" is being formed, resembling "paradise on Earth" and turning no more, no less into "the native home of our soul", as P. Muratov will later write about it [63, vol. 3, p. 424]. And such an enthusiastic perception of Italy, despite the fact that these relations were not always smooth and cloudless, nevertheless, will remain until the twentieth century.

As for the XIX century, it not only did not yield to the previous one, but surpassed it in all directions. Picking up the baton of the perception of Italy as a paradise, this century makes very significant and very important adjustments to the practice of Russian-Italian relations. If Italy has been more often than not just "one of" the stages of Russian travel in Europe, now for many it becomes the main, and often the only purpose of the trip. In addition, due to the change in the social composition, the circle of travelers joining the Italian culture has significantly expanded. If before it was visited mainly by representatives of the aristocracy and nobility, now writers, poets, artists, musicians, philosophers, people of science who not only travel, but also live in Italy for a long time, actively implementing their creative plans (and others remain in it right up to the very death, when Italy really becomes a second homeland no longer figuratively, but in the literal sense of the word).

In addition, with the emergence in 1820 of the Imperial Society for the Encouragement of Artists, representatives of Russian art had another additional opportunity to live and work in Italy. And the first pensioners of the Society will be brothers Alexander and Karl Bryullov. It is in Italy that Karl Bryullov (1799-1852) will create one of his most famous works "The Last Day of Pompeii" (1833), which will bring him European fame. It is from the triumph of this painting that Rome will be destined to play a decisive role in the history of Russian painting. Since it is from Rome, where, in addition to the above picture, such canvases as "John the Theologian" (1856) by F. A. Moller, "The Appearance of Christ to the People" (1858) by A. A. Ivanov were created, that a new historical painting will come to Russia [48, p. 116].

The growing publication of memoirs and travel notes about such trips also contributed to the expansion of ideas about Italy. If earlier the latter were written mainly for a narrow circle of people (relatives, relatives and acquaintances), now they are published in major literary journals. Only in the magazine"SonAlready at the beginning of the century, a number of similar publications appeared: "Letters from Italy. Rome" and "A letter from a Russian from Florence" by Prince A. A. Shakhovsky; "An excerpt from the daily notes of a trip to Italy, in 1817 and 1818", signed with the pseudonym "K.D."; "Letters of a naval officer" by N. V. Boxes and many others, and also published in separate books: "A Journey through Sicily" (1828) by A. S. Norov; "Memories of Sicily" (1835) by A. D. Chertkov; "Italy. Letters from Venice, Rome and Naples" (1855) by V. D. Yakovlev; "Letters from Italy and Sicily" (1873) by K. K. Hertz; "Journey through Italy" (1883) by I. V. Tsvetaeva and many others.

Since the 30-40s of the XIX century, Italian travel has become a tradition, turning into a kind of fashion among representatives of the Russian nobility, and such publications (memoirs, notes, essays, memoirs, letters, walks, travels in Italy) from decade to decade will only grow and multiply almost exponentially [podr. about this, see: 64, pp. 23-26], eventually losing, however, the features of documentary and gradually already in the second half of the XIX century reborn into the proper "literary travels" and turning from a peripheral genre of Russian literature into a full-fledged literary genre [ibid., pp. 26, 22]. And although the genre of travel itself was established in our country back in the Old Russian period, however, as for the tradition of Italian travel, they go back, first of all, to the "Italian Journey" by I. V. Goethe, who had a decisive influence on the educated Russian public (including the creation of the myth of Italy as a paradise country of the golden age), having turned into essentially a desktop book for travelers.

In this book, the spiritual algorithm has already been set, which will become a kind of mental attitude, especially indicative and valuable for creative people. For Goethe, according to his confession, experienced his "second birth" in Italy, and the "birth" is precisely creative.Under the impression of the works of great Italians, he also creates his great classics: "Iphigenia", "Tasso", "Egmont". The completion of these masterpieces of world literature will be an indicative creative result of his stay in the "divine land" of Italy. And there was also started another masterpiece of world classical literature "Faust". By Goethe's own admission, he managed to do what he "dared not even dream of" (!) before his stay in Italy [65, pp. 446, 445. Moreover, the aesthetics of "Weimar classicism" is finally formed here, and the formation of Goethe-a classic striving for the practical realization of the concept of "world literature" is completed [66, p. 5]. Such creative results could not pass by the interested Russian reader, for whom the spiritual atmosphere of Italy in a similar context presented itself as a "causative agent of creative energy" or, in the words of V. Venevitinov, "the fatherland of inspiration" [67, p. 67], contributing to the disclosure of such creative forces of a person about which he "did not dare and dream" before his stay in Italy.

However, such travel literature had another important result. The Russian educated public began to perceive Italy also through the prism of literary works, which over time would be complemented by views of Italy of the "Italian genre" of Russian painting that was in vogue ("Italian landscape"), and texts of the "Italian theme" in poetry. In other words, Italy, its culture and art gradually began to be perceived also through the prism of the very but now also Russian art inspired by Italian themes. Thanks to such literature and art, a very paradoxical situation developed, at first glance, when it was possible to "fall in love with Italy" without visiting Italy itself. It is enough to give a number of examples to make sure of this.

It is known, for example, that K. Batyushkov dreamed of seeing Italy from a young age and confessed to his friends about it as "his innermost desire" [68, p. 7]. While still studying at boarding schools, he is fond of ancient poetry and literature of the Italian Renaissance. His idols are the Italian poets Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio and Tasso [69, p. 28]. The Italian language, which he has been studying since the age of 14, seems to him synonymous with the language of poetry in general, and the art of the Italian Renaissance is the highest example of art [70, pp. 438, 471]. And even before visiting this "charming" country, he already calls it nothing but "my Italy", emphasizing in a letter to his friend N. Gnedich that it is "exactly "my"..." [cit. according to: 69, p. 28]. From now on, the expression "my Italy" will become almost a common place for lovers of this country, both those who have already visited it, and those who have not seen it at all with their own eyes...It is significant that later, already at the beginning of the twentieth century, such an expression will turn into the name of one of the works dedicated to this country (cf.: Trubnikov A. A. My Italy. SPb.: Type. Sirius, 1908).

Since childhood, the Chaadaev brothers, Mikhail and Peter, also dreamed of Italy as a "land of charm", although the latter was actually able to visit it only at the age of thirty [71, p. 10-11]. E. Boratynsky, who has been in love with Italy since childhood and eager to meet her, for twenty years more than a few years before her visit, he wrote the poem "Rome" (1821), and a decade later (while in Moscow) he was allowed to impromptu: "The sky of Italy, the sky of Torquata ..." (1831) [72, p. 95], although he would see Italy with his own eyes only after more than twenty years, in 1844.

N. Gogol directly calls Italy "the land of youthful dreams" and at the age of 18, also long before his first visit (1837), embodies these dreams in the poem "Italy" (1829), where he calls it "a luxurious country" ("it's all paradise"!), according to which his "the soul both groans and yearns"... [73, p. 9-10]. And he gets so used to it with his creative imagination that when he already finds himself in Rome, he writes the following from there: "It seemed to me that I saw my homeland (!) ... the homeland of my soul (!) ... where my soul lived ... before I was born" [74, p. 141. My italics. A. K.]. As P. Muratov would later write: "Gogol embodies with an extraordinary, truly spontaneous force the attraction to Italy and Rome that engulfed the Russian people of the forties" [13, p. 7. My italics. A. K.]. And as a summary he will add: "Gogol discovered in the Russian soul has a new feeling its kinship with Rome.After him, Italy should not be a foreign land for us" [ibid., p. 9. Italics are mine. A. K.]. Moreover, as N. Berdyaev continues this thought, "Italy should become an eternal element of the Russian soul" [75, p. 368. Italics are mine. A. K.]. Here it remains only to cite a similar judgment of F. Dostoevsky, so that there is no doubt about the universality of such a phenomenon. "How many times have I dreamed, since childhood, to visit Italy.More from the Ratcliffe novels... Then Shakespeare came Verona, Romeo and Juliet the devil knows what charm there was. To Italy, to Italy!" [cit. by: 39, p. 202. My italics. A. K.]. Examples can be easily continued, since Italian themes and motifs, since the XVIII century and especially in the XIX-th, the whole Russian culture has been permeated, on such prepared soil of which such an amazing phenomenon became possible falling in love with Italy "before Italy", which haven't seen it with your own eyes yet. Indicative in this context is the reproach of D. Merezhkovsky, which he throws to his addressee (letter to P. Pertsov dated 19.12.1897) regarding his love for Rome: "No, you don't love Rome because you see it we love it without seeing it" be[76, p. 176. Therefore, it is not by chance that when many Russian travelers came to Italy, they were already filled with a special love for the country, about which they knew a lot, as if "initially" (the same K. Batyushkov will say: "I know Italy without having been in it"), almost from "birth" (and according to Gogol, "before" birth: "before I was born into the world") and is due to some kind of "innate knowledge". Later, already in the twentieth century, B. Pasternak will explain this "foreknowledge": "Italy ... is what we unconsciously breathe from the cradle ... Italy is not only in Italy. Italy is in our roots"![cit. according to: 77, p. 168. My italics. A. K.]. That's why the "pilgrimage" to Italy, as A. Giustino notes on this occasion, "often resembled mastering what already belonged to you, which was so familiar" [78, p. 144].

More recent confessions are also indicative in this regard, testifying to the inexplicable (but "obvious" for lovers of this "magical country") "kinship of souls" of our peoples, when what they see for the first time in a foreign country is perceived by close, relatives and acquaintances... There are, for example, the confessions of M. Nesterov, literally "intoxicated", according to him, the first impressions of his stay on Italian soil, but, nevertheless, he wrote the following: "Here it is the real Italy!.. It's all at once (!) it turned out to be close, dear and kind to my heart" [cit. according to: 69, p. 204. My italics. A. K.]. A. Blok literally echoes him: "... I live in Venice already completely as in my own city, and almost all the customs, galleries, churches, the sea, canals are my own for me, as if I have been here for a very long time" [cit. by: 39, p. 281. My italics. A. K.]. Pavel Muratov, being in his next visit to this country, confirms a similar, seemingly purely subjective perception: "I feel at home in Italy" fda amy my so[79, p. 243. And Boris Zaitsev will affirm in his own way this strange Russian feeling "My Italy", in which everything seems close, dear and "ours", only for him it will be "personified" and connected, first of all, with Florence. Having seen it for the first time, he also, following his compatriots, had to admit: "From the very first day, at first glance it turned out "this is my city." Why? I couldn't explain it. There is no Italian blood in me, there was almost no mental and spiritual training. But my city remained for life... It is enough to see the Palazzo Vecchio tower or the dome of the Cathedral on a postcard to shudder with joy:"our"" [80, p. 194. Italics are mine. A. K.]. Of course, this phenomenon will also become an important factor that will work not only to strengthen Russian-Italian ties, but also to form a very special attitude to this "amazing", "unique" and "charming" country, turning into true love.

However, in addition to secular travelers, Russian Orthodox pilgrims also shared their impressions of visits to Italy. However, due to the existence of extensive antiCatholic literature, Orthodox pilgrimages to Italy up to the XIX century. - were quite rare [64, p. 29]. Here, the "Roman Letters" of the religious writer and diplomat A. N. Muravyev, which were first published in the same magazine "Son of the Fatherland", and in 1846 were published in a separate edition, are usually distinguished due to their influence on the public consciousness of Russians. And travel notes of Bishop Porfiry (Konstantin Uspensky), who made an official pilgrimage to Italy in 1854, where he met with Pope Pius IX at the Vatican. Russian Russian Orthodox Church, founder of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem, and at the same time the largest Russian scientist-Byzantologist and orientalist [81, p. 118]. In addition, Porfiry was an art critic, and an excellent connoisseur of not only religious, but also secular art. Indicative of our topic are his words regarding the true reasons for visiting Italy.As Porfiry emphasizes, he was primarily interested not in cities or people, but in "fine arts, architecture, sculpture and painting" [cit. by: 24, pp. 116-117. Italics are mine. A. K.], thereby pointing to the main subject, which alone, in his opinion, should motivate and determine the creative aspirations of those traveling through the sacred Italian land.

The memoirs of European travelers, which were also actively translated and published in Russia, also contributed to the formation of an appropriate image of Italy. In addition to the mentioned "Italian Journey" by Goethe, this is the work of Madame de Stael "Corinne, or Italy" (1809-1810); works by F.-R. de Chateaubriand: "Memories of Italy, England and America" (1817) and "Journey to Italy" (1827); works by M.-A. Stendhal "Rome, Naples and Florence" (1826) and "Walks in Rome" (1829); these are "Paintings of Italy" (1846-1847) Ch. Dickens, and "Travels in Italy" (1866) and. Tena; the work of V. Gena "Italy. Views and cursory notes" (1872); the work of F. Gregorovius "The Years of Wandering in Italy" (1877), as well as the book by G. Maupassant "A Wandering Life" (1890) and many others [64, pp. 22-24; 82].

As a result, Russian-Italian relations have undergone only drastic changes, which in the end the love of Italy has grown into a real cult of Italy and everything Italian. Therefore, it is not by chance that the XIX century is called the "golden age" of Russian-Italian relations. Italian travel has become essentially regular and almost "mass" (although mass, of course, can only be spoken of here in a conditional sense). And, nevertheless, it is difficult to name any of the outstanding figures of Russian culture who would not have visited Italy then. Since the beginning of the XIX century, traveling to Italy, as well as a more interested and direct acquaintance with its culture and art, have become an important stage in the further development of Russian culture and the formation of its intelligentsia.In any case, the famous words of N. Gogol are well known, who was sure that Italy was the real homeland of the Russian intelligentsia [15].

It is enough to name only the brightest, outstanding representatives of it to make sure of what has been said. In the XIX century in Italy visited (listed in order of first visit, and the year or years, if the first journey of "delayed," or turned into permanent settlement, which, undoubtedly, are very revealing): F. M. Matveev (1779-1826), O. A. Kiprensky (1816-1822, 1828-1836), S. F. Shchedrin (1818-1830), S. I. Galberg (1818-1828), F. A. Bruni (1818-1836, 1838-1840, 1841-1845), K. N. Batyushkov (1819-1821), K. A. Ton (1819-1828 He Was), P. V. Basin (1819-1830), Z. A. Volkonskaya (1820-1822, 1825-1862), Vasily Zhukovsky (1821, 1833), K. P. Bryullov (1822-1835, 1850-1852), P. Y. Chaadaev (1824-1825), S. P. Shevyrev (1829-1832, 1838-1840, 1861), Mikhail Glinka (1830-1833), A. A. Ivanov (1830-1858), A. K. Tolstoy (1831 etc.), P. A. Vyazemsky (1834-1835, 1853, 1863, 1864), F. I. Jordan (1835-1850, 1853-1855), N. Gogol (1837, 1838-1839, 1840-1841, 1842-1843, 1845-1847), F. I. Moller (1838-1848, 1849, 1860), F. I. Tyutchev (1838-1839, 1865), M. P. Pogodin (1839), F. I. Buslaev (1839-1841, 1864, 1874-1875), N. V. Stankevich (1839-1840), I. K. Aivazovsky (1840-1844), I. S. Turgenev (1840, 1857-1858), P. V. Annenkov (1841), F. V. Chizhov (1841-1843, etc.), P. N. Orlov (1841-1865), N. M. Languages (1842-1843), N. P. Ogarev (1842-1843), S. S. Uvarov (1843), E. A. Boratynsky (1844), S. A. Ivanov (1846-1877, brother A. Ivanov), D. V. Yakovlev (1847), A. I. Herzen (1847-1848, 1851, 1867), A. A. FET (1856), N. A. Nekrasov (1856, 1857), I. S. Aksakov (1857), V. P. Botkin (1857, etc.), Alexander Grigoryev (1857-1858), L. N. Thick (1857, 1860), N. N. GE (1857-1863, etc.), B. N. Chicherin (1858-1865), A. P. Borodin (1860, 1861-1862), N. A. Dobrolyubov (1861), P. P. Trubetskoy (1861-1892), A. N. Veselovsky (1861, 1864-1867), A. N. Ostrovsky (1862), Dostoevsky (1862, 1863, 1868-1869), N. N. Fears (1862, etc.), M. A. Bakunin (1864-1865), P. I. Tchaikovsky (1872, 1874, 1877, 1878, 1881, 1890), I. E. Repin (1873), S. I. Taneyev (1875), VL. Solovyov (1875, 1876), brothers svedomskiy Alexander (1875-1911) and Paul (1875-1904), Pavel Milyukov (1881), A. N. Benoit (1883-1885), V. I. Surikov (1884, 1900), M. A. Vrubel (1884-1885), Viktor Vasnetsov (1885), M. S. Karelin (1885-1887) and many others. Examples can be easily continued ...Moreover, as one could see from the above list, many of them came to Italy more than once, using every opportunity to be on this sacred land again, and get acquainted with its sights that they could not see on their previous visit.

However, the XIX century entered the history of Russian-Italian relations with another equally significant event. It is in this century that a completely new phenomenon in our relations will begin to take shape the relocation of Russians to Italy for permanent residence.And the first Russian person who moved, in the words of M. Talalai, "permanently", was Count Dmitry Buturlin [83], whose godmother was Empress Catherine II herself. A gifted and extraordinary man, a well-known bibliophile, polymath, one of the most educated people of his time, who amazed his contemporaries with "encyclopedic omniscience" and surprised with his phenomenal memory. He managed to collect one of the best personal libraries in Europe, numbering 40,000 books [84, p. 112]. D. Buturlin settled in Florence (with his whole family) in 1817, immediately after the Napoleonic Wars, having lost his entire famous library in the fire. However, once in Italy, he again managed to collect a huge "Florentine" library, slightly inferior to Moscow (about 33,000 volumes) [83; for more information, see: 85]. Here they will also find their permanent place of residence and their last earthly shelter F. M. Matveev, S. F. Shchedrin, O. A. Kiprensky, N. V. Stankevich, E. A. Baratynsky, K. P. Bryullov, Z. A. Volkonskaya, P. N. Orlov, S. A. Ivanov, P. P. Trubetskoy, brothersPavel and Alexander Svedomsky, S. P. Diaghilev, L. M. Brailovsky, A.V. Amfiteatrov, N. N. Lokhov, Vyach. Ivanov, N. P. Ottokar, I. F. Stravinsky, V. A. Sumbatov and many others. Only on one Venetian island San Michele - are the graves of the Volkonskys, Volkov-Muromtsevs, Trubetskys (Joseph Brodsky will be buried there later [86, pp. 193-194]). And others, even of their own free will, would like to rest forever in the Italian land, such as N. Gogol, who is sure that "there is no better fate than to die in Rome" [74, p. 114], or B. Zaitsev, who wrote about how it would be "good to die in Florence" [87, p. 444], or Vyach. Ivanov, who directly stated, parting with his native Moscow in 1924: "I am going to Rome to live and die there" ... [cit. according to: 88, p. 125].

As for finding Italy as a permanent place of residence, later N. Berdyaev (already expelled from Russia, but still in Germany), not only thought about this issue, but also directly dreamed of moving to live in Italy! "If I have to leave Germany," he shared his plans for the near future with one of the Italian correspondents, "then most of all I dream of moving to Italy" [89, p. 144. My italics. A. K.]. Although I did not particularly hope for it, realizing the complexity of its implementation. And indeed, after a while he will not be in Italy at all, but in France, which is destined to become his second homeland, where he will find his last shelter.

Russian RussianItalian relations in this period will reach a qualitatively new level of development, just as the XIX century will end with a special page in the development of Russian culture - the Silver Age.This period (for obvious reasons) is of particular interest to us, because it is in the context of the processes taking place here, developing in the ever-expanding space of Russian-Italian relations, that the motives and priorities of Berdyaev's travels will be formed.On the one hand, his passionate desire to visit Italy, and on the other, a very specific place of these trips Florence, which, as we will see later, were by no means accidental and in a certain sense reflected the spirit of the era. Moreover, in the works of writers, poets, artists and thinkers of the Russian Silver Age, Italy will not only play no less a role than in the previous century, but will also occupy a very special place.

This will be facilitated by a number of events, which indicate the continued strengthening and expansion of Russian-Italian cultural ties. On the one hand, at the turn of the XIXXX century, serious scientific works (complementing and correcting the genre of memoirs and notes of travelers) by such major Russian historians as M. S. Korelin ("Early Italian Humanism and its historiography") finally began to appear in Russia. In 2 issues. M., 1892 and "Essays of the Italian Renaissance". M., 1896); E. V. Tarle ("History of Italy in the Middle Ages". St. Petersburg, 1901; "History of Italy in modern times". St. Petersburg, 1901); I. M. Grevs, who, according to P. Muratov, "will revive in the Russian culture of the late XIX early XX century the "feeling of Italy"" ("Scientific walks through the historical centers of Italy: Essays of Florentine culture". M., 1903); A. N. Veselovsky ("Italy St. Petersburg, 1908), L. P. Karsavin ("Essays on religious life in Italy of the XIIXIII centuries". St. Petersburg, 1912), as well as foreign authors such as I. Ten ("Five courses of lectures given at the School of Fine Arts in Paris". M., 1904, which will later be republished under the title: "Philosophy of Art". Moscow, 1914), including a re-edition of Goethe's "Italian Journey" (St. Petersburg, 1893), which will also turn into a desktop book for representatives of the Silver Age. Moreover, some of them, such as, for example: A. Bely, E. K. Medtner [90, p. 124, etc.], M. Voloshin, M. Tsvetaeva [91, p. 223] and others will build their Italian routes only "according to Goethe". As a result of these publications, knowledge about Italy, its history, culture and art rose to a qualitatively new level.

In addition, in connection with the spread of literacy during this period, popular literature about Italy will also begin to be widely published, indicating the penetration of the image of Italy into the mass consciousness. In 1900, the Permanent Commission of People's Reading in St. Petersburg was published edited by Vl. Solovyov! a small book called "Italy" [ibid., p. 21].

At the beginning of the twentieth century now in Moscow a "Society of lovers of Italian Literature" was created, also called the "Dante Society", which held regular evenings dedicated to introducing Russian readers to Italian literature. There was even a special series called: "The Italian Library", in which the works of Italian writers and poets, as well as critical and biographical essays on their lives and creative destiny were published. The poetic and prose works of J. P. began to be published. Verti, M. Serao, G. D'Annuzio, E. De Amichisa, A. Negri, A. Fogazzaro, J. Leopardi and other works, among which Giovagnoli's book "Spartacus" and Garibaldi's memoirs were particularly popular [ibid., pp. 21-22].Publications of modern Italian historians, psychologists and philosophers such as C. Lombroso, G. Ferrero, B. Croce, A. Labriola began to appear, and later the works of F. Marinetti and, including "Manifestos of Italian Futurism" (Moscow, 1914) [podr. for this, see: 92. pp. 129-142]. By the way, at the invitation of Russian futurists, Marinetti will visit Moscow and St. Petersburg in January-February 1914, where he will give lectures on futurism [93; 94].

Russian Russian-Italian relations have also witnessed several other equally important events in the history of Russian-Italian relations, which have already opened a new milestone in the lives of Russian people in Italy. In 1899, the "Society of Mutual Assistance of Russian Artists and Scientists" was established in Rome, which aimed to create the necessary conditions for their fruitful work. In 1902, in the year of the 50th anniversary of the death of Nikolai Gogol and in memory of the writer, the Gogol Library-Reading Room was opened in Rome, which immediately became an important center of cultural life and attraction for numerous Russian artists, writers, intellectuals who lived in Rome (as well as those who who happened to be passing through here). Russian Russian Art Circle (later called simply "Russian Circle") was created at the same time at the library, one of the first initiatives of which (together with the Library) was the holding of an exhibition in March 1906, which was attended by many Russian artists who worked in Rome. In 1908, a Circle of encouragement of young artists appeared in Rome to "provide comprehensive assistance, both material and moral, to artists working or studying in Rome Russian subjects." In 1911, on the occasion of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the unification of Italy, a grandiose International Exhibition was held in Rome and Turin, in which representatives of Russia took an active part [95, p. 38].

At the same time, direct contacts between Russians and Italy continued to expand (and disproportionately both in quantitative and qualitative terms compared to the past century). The country could now be visited not only by individual representatives of the nobility or intellectual elite, as was the case in previous centuries, but also by more numerous artists, ordinary intellectuals, zemstvo teachers and, finally, students. As I. Greves noted in connection with these changes in the social composition of travelers: "now they go to Europe not for entertainment alone, as in the old days, when the rich mostly went to foreign lands to enjoy a new form of idleness," and not only scientists and artists sent from academies, not to mention professors whose trips "have long been recognized as a necessary condition for the success of scientific activity," but "primary school teachers also strive to get there, no matter how difficult it is for them to achieve this" [96, p. 4-5. The latter became possible thanks, among other things, to the creation in 1909 by Countess V. A. Bobrinskaya of a Fund for organizing excursions of Russian zemstvo teachers in Europe [3, p. 302]. However, the very organization of such excursions, which brought the latter to a qualitatively new level, as it turns out, was also far from accidental. Back in the early 90s of the XIX century, the above-mentioned I. Grevs defended the idea of the necessity and importance of organizing for the purpose of "selfeducation of teachers" - "historical and pedagogical excursions to get acquainted with museums and monuments of antiquity", as well as compiling manuals ("scientific guides and explanatory books") for such trips [97, pp. 33-34; 98, p. 281]. In addition, he was one of the first scientists to advocate the idea of introducing excursions, including in the educational process of higher education, explaining their importance for the spiritual development of a young person: "Who managed to travel well in his youth, he enters life with an irreplaceable reserve of such knowledge, mental skills and mental strength, which he could not have gleaned from any other source:the years of "learning" (Lehrjahre) should in fact and in the proper sense be the years of "wanderings" (Wanderjahre)" [96, p. 3. My italics. A. K.]. And I. Greves considered Italy to be the preferred country for such excursion "wanderings", since it, from his point of view,, is the "best school of humanity". Therefore, anyone who really wants "everything human to be not alien to him" should definitely go to Italy. Moreover, "in the images of Italy," P. Muratov would later supplement his words, "all the images of the deity, nature and man were imprinted. The Italian journey should be one of the decisive spiritual experiences" [13, p. 366].

Moreover, such "historical and pedagogical excursions" were already fundamentally different from spontaneous and often intellectually unprepared trips and essentially replaced the superficial sightseeing of Italian artistic culture.Excursions now had to be preceded by serious preliminary preparation, including: mandatory acquaintance with literature, study of illustrative material, maps, plans of places visited, listening to a special course of lectures on the selected region and art monuments that the traveler intends to visit. As a result, the excursion turned not into the beginning of acquaintance with the monuments of culture and art, but became the final stage, crowning a long period of preliminary scientific training.Hence the famous formula of I. Greves is born, which will become a kind of slogan-a parting word for those who go on such "historical and pedagogical excursions": "From books to monuments, from the study to the real stage of history, and from the free historical air back to the library and archive! That should be the motto..." [99, p. 10].

It is hardly necessary to talk about what a theoretical level such excursions were brought to, especially important and necessary for those who were really interested in a serious study of Italian culture, and not just set up for a pleasant "cultural" pastime, in order, in the words of I. Greves, "to enjoy a new form of idleness." It is no coincidence that from this time the opposition of such concepts as "excursion" and "tourism", including the institute of guides, will begin. The latter begin to be associated with the philistine-philistine attitude to travel, which is characterized by a superficial perception, incapable of a deep theoretical understanding of what they saw and a truly aesthetic experience (especially when they wanted to see only what everyone has long known and what "everyone is talking about"). The relationship between a tourist and a guide is now perceived as a closed "vicious circle": "a guide is a servant of the tourist's interests, a tourist is a slave of the guide's skills" [100, pp. 8-9]. Therefore, "tourism" and "guidism" are declared the worst enemies not only of the excursion business, but also of the entire education system.

These processes also find their organizational expression. In a number of educational institutions, tourist societies, and then in state institutions, special departments and commissions appeared, the purpose of which was exclusively the organization of excursions and their methodological support. One of the largest institutions of this type will be the Central Excursion Commission, established in 1910 at the Moscow School District, which in 1914 will also start publishing its own magazine "Excursion Bulletin. Walking in Russia and abroad" [101]. Excursions now really acquire a truly massive character. And if thanks to the above-mentioned Foundation of Countess V. A. Bobrinskaya in 1909, more than 400 Russian teachers were able to visit Italy, then by 1914, as a result of the joint efforts of such funds and commissions, the number of such traveling in Italy will exceed more than three thousand people [3, pp. 302, 304].

Thus, N. Berdyaev's first travels, as it is easy to see, coincided, on the one hand, with the revival of the "feeling of Italy" at the turn of the XIX early XX centuryand directly related to it is a new period of increased interest in this country from the most diverse representatives of the creative intelligentsia (it is significant that the article written by him later will have a similar title "Feeling (!) Italy", being essentially a reflection of the prevailing moods of the turn of the century and at the same time nostalgia for the emotional and psychological state that accompanied him during his Italian travels), and on the other hand, with an unprecedented intensification of sightseeing events that, starting from the 1900s and up to the First World War (in fact the peak of these processes), developed incrementally (it is no less significant that both of his travels were made during this period). And from this point of view, his Italian trips not only fit perfectly into the general historical context of the active development and expansion of Russian-Italian cultural ties during this period, but are essentially a reflection of these processes in the fate of their particular contemporary, and appear far from accidental.

As a result, even before the revolution (and immediately after it), many of our outstanding compatriots writers, poets, artists, sculptors, architects, musicians, theater figures, historians, philosophers (listed in the order of the first visit to "paradise on earth") visited and lived here for a long time, such as: A. A. Blok (1883-1884, 1902, 1909), M. V. Nesterov (1889, 1891-1895, 1908, 1911), I. F. Annensky (1890), S. P. Diaghilev (1890, 1894, 1909, 1924, 1925-1929), I. M. Grevs (1890-1891, 1902, 1907, 1912), D. S. Merezhkovsky (1891, 1892, 1896, 1898, 1899-1900, 1913, 1932, 1934-1935, 1936, 1937), G. V. Plekhanov (1890s, 1898, 1904, 1906, 1907, 1908-1917), A. P. Chekhov (1891, 1894, 1901), L. S. Bakst (1891, 1909, 1913, 1916, 1917, 1920), S. V. Flerov (1892), M. I. Rostovtsev (1892, 1895, 1923), Vyach. Ivanov (1892-1893, 1910, 1912-1913, 1924-1949), A. N. Benois (1894, 1908-1913, 1947-1957), P. P. Pertsov (1894, 1897-1898, etc.), A. L. Volynsky (1896, etc.), A.V. Lunacharsky (1896-1898, 1901, 1904, 1907-1911, 1931), M. A. Kuzmin (1897), A.M. Vasnetsov (1898, 1912), M. A. Voloshin (1899, 1900, 1902), F. I. Shalyapin (1900-1913, 1925-1937), N. N. Suckers (1900-1948), Sergei Rachmaninov (1900, 1902, 1906, 1913), M. V. Dobuzhinsky (1901, 1908, 1911, 1914, 1924, 1930, 1953-1954), V. V. Rozanov (1901, 1905, 1910), V. Y. Bryusov (1902, 1908), M. Tsvetaeva (1903, 1912), I. A. Bunin (1904, 1909, 1910, 1911-1912, 1912-1913, 1913-1914), B. K. Zaitsev (1904, 1907, 1908, 1910, 1911-1912, 1920, 1923, 1949), N. A. Berdyaev (1904, 1911-1912, 1923), Sasha Black (1905, 1910, 1912, 1923-1924), M. A. Osorgin (1906-1916, 1922-1923), L. P. Karsavin (1906, 1907, 1910-1912), Gorky (1906-1914, 1924-1933), Bogdanov A. A. (1906, 1908-1909, 1910-1913), N. P. Ottokar (1906, 1912-1914, 1919-1957), L. N. Andreev (1906-1907, 1910, 1913), p. P. Muratov (1907, 1908, 1911-1912, 1914, 1922-1927), G. I. Chulkov (1907, 1909, etc.), N. K. Roerich (1907, 1911, 1914, 1923), A.V. Amfiteatrov (1907-1916, 1922-1938), V. I. Lenin (1908, 1910), O. E. Mandelshtam (1908, 1910), F. A. Stepun (1909), P. A. Kropotkin (1909-1914), E. N. Trubetskoy (1910-1911), A. White (1910-1911, 1912), N. P. Antsiferov (1910, 1912, 1914), A. T. Averchenko (1910, 1912), Igor Stravinsky (1911, 1913, 1914, 1915, 1917-1920, 1925, 1928, 1932, 1933, 1934, 1935, 1939, 1951, 1956, 1958, 1959, 1960, 1962, 1963), V. F. Khodasevich (1911, 1924), V. F. ERN (1911-1912), V. Weidle (1912, 1932, 1967), B. L. Pasternak (1912), B. V. Yakovenko (1913-1924), E. K. Gertsyk (1906, 1909, 1912, 1913), N. N. Berberova (1923, 1924-1925), I. A. Ilyin (1911, 1924), N. S. Gumilev (1912), A. A. Ahmatova (1912, 1964), V. A. Sumbatov (1919-1964) and many others. This list can also be easily continued.

Russian Russian-Italian relations, however, in addition to such tourists, were significantly expanded due to political emigrants who poured into Italy after the defeat of the Russian revolution of 1905, among whom there were not only professional revolutionaries (such as A. A. Bogdanov, P. A. Kropotkin, G. A. Lopatin, G. V. Plekhanov and many others), but also journalists, writers, teachers, doctors, distinguished by their not only political, but also cultural level, now perceived Italy as a country of political salvation. According to Italian statistics, in Milan alone, already in 1906, there were about 300 thousand Russian emigrants [91, p. 25], the number of which only increased from year to year.A special layer of Russian emigration was also made up of students (totaling about two hundred people), who were scattered across various Italian universities: from Naples and Rome, where the majority studied, up to Florence, Milan, Genoa and Turin [ibid.].All this taken together, in turn, created an additional demand for serious literature, which, according to I. Greves, would be able to "make up" for the "lack" of such books and pamphlets and become a "reliable ideological guide" for an interested person "looking for serious education" [96, p. 6]. And in addition to the above-mentioned, a number of new works dedicated to Italy really appear in these years. Here it is enough to list only the works of authors who were at the center of readers' interest in order to get an idea of their general range and the theoretical level to which the literature on the culture and art of Italy reached during this period. These are works by both domestic and foreign authors (including individual editions of Italian masters, for example: "The Life of Benvenutto Cellini, told by himself", 1897; or "The Correspondence of Michelangelo Buonarroti ...", 1914) - such as: M. Filippov ("Leonardo da Vinci as an artist, scientist and philosopher", 1892); S. Clement ("Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael, Michelangelo", 1893); A. Vysheslavtsev ("Raphael", 1894); S. Vasiliev ("Paintings of Italy", 1894); P. Sabatier ("The Life of Francis of Assisi", 1895); E. Pimenova ("Francis of Assisi, his life and public activity", 1896); G. Seail ("Leonardo da Vinci as an artist and scientist", 1898); N. Sumtsov ("Leonardo da Vinci", 1900); M. Ivanov ("Essays of Modern Italian Literature", 1902), D. Ruskin ("Walks in Florence", 1902); I. Greves ("Scientific walks in the historical centers of Italy: Essays on Florentine culture", 1903); P. Pertsov ("Venice and Venetian Painting", 1905); J. Burkhard ("Culture of Italy in the Renaissance": In 2 volumes, 1905-1906); P. Zaychik ("People and Art of the Italian Renaissance", 1906); B. Zaitsev (Zaitsev's essays on Italy were published in 1907 in the magazine "Pereval" and the newspaper "Literary and Artistic Week", later to be published by ed. a book entitled "Italy", 1923); A. Trubnikov ("My Italy", 1908); A. Dzhivelegov ("The Beginning of the Italian Renaissance", 1908 and "Essays of the Italian Renaissance", 1929); later, already in the 30s, a number of his works devoted to the work of Dante will be published (1933), Vasari (1933), Machiavelli (1934), Leonardo (1935) and Michelangelo (1938); V. Rozanov ("Italian Impressions", 1909); R. Roland ("Michelangelo", 1910 and "Leonardo da Vinci", 1911); E. Gebard ("The Beginning of the Renaissance in Italy", 1900; "Mystical Italy", 1900 and "Sandro Botticelli", 1911); P. Muratov ("Images of Italy", 1911); E. Dolgova ("Florence and its surroundings". In 2 volumes 1911-1913); N. Gorbov ("Donatello", 1912); G. Beans ("Botticelli", 1912), V. Pater ("Renaissance. Essays on Art and Poetry", 1912); G. Welflin ("Classical Art. Introduction to the Italian Renaissance", 1912 and "Renaissance and Baroque", 1913); M. Osorgin ("Essays of modern Italy", 1913, as well as a collection of short stories "Where I was happy"); I. Ten ("Journey through Italy". In 2 vols., 1913); Vernon Lee ("Italy. Genius loci", 1914); B. Griftsov ("The City of Rome", 1914); V. Hyacinthov ("Italian Art in the Era of the High Renaissance". In 2 issues, 1913-1914); A. Mironov ("The Renaissance in the History of Art", 1914); E. Fromentin ("Old Masters", 1914); P. Villari ("Nicolo Machiavelli and his Time", 1914); E. Husida ("Mantegna", 1914); "Florentine Readings Leonardo da Vinci" (Collection of articles by E. Solmi, B. Croce, I. del Lungo, J. Paladin, etc., 1914); B. Boissier ("Archaeological Walks in Rome", 1915), A. Dakhnovich ("Botticelli's Work and Eternal Questions", 1915); P. Bicilli ("Essays on Italian life of the XIII century", 1916) and many others.

And this is far from a complete list of authors and the truly extensive literature they have created, published in these decades (to this should also be added an enormous number of articles in the periodical press, published monthly by literally dozens of different journals [more than a dozen]. see the list: 103, pp. 24-29]. In this respect, the Silver Age surpassed everything that had been done before it in this area (not only in terms of quality, which is quite understandable and understandable, but also quantitative), representing a kind of peak in which the energy of creative thought, gaining strength from century to century, finally reached its culmination. In this respect, not only the XVIII, but also the XIX century cannot be compared with this period. However, on the other hand, it just shows that the two previous centuries were not in vain. At the same time, this unprecedented surge was a reflection of a new wave of increased interest in Italy, however, unlike the ardently enthusiastic pathos of Gogol's time, an interest, according to P. Muratov, "more persistent, attentive and broad", thanks to which, as the author of "Images" hoped, Italy would "never leave more from the field of view of Russian spiritual life" [13, p. 11]. And, as you know, Italy not only did not "leave the field of view of Russian spiritual life," but turned out (and, above all, by its Revival) to be at the center of its spiritual interests.However, in itself, this list of literature published in these years is indicative in several respects. On the one hand, this is a number of works recognized as classics, on which more than one generation of artists and art theorists were brought up (they are still being republished today in a series of art history or historical classics). These are the works of G. Velflin, J. Burkhardt, I. Ten, D. Ruskin, B. Boissier, A. Dzhivelegov, E. Zhebar, V. Pater, E. Fromentin, P. Bicilli, etc. And on the other hand, although this literature covered a variety of artistic centers and periods of Italian culture, however, the main attention of most authors, which is not difficult to see from the presented list, was focused precisely on the Renaissance, to which an incomparably greater number of works, both general and private, are devoted.

In this regard, it is impossible not to mention here the sensational novels of A. Volynsky ("The Life of Leonardo da Vinci", 1899) and D. Merezhkovsky ("Renaissance" // Beginning, 1899. No. 1-2, 4; was published in full in the magazine "The World of God", 1900. No. 1-12; will be released later under the title: "Resurrected gods. Russian Russian literature, Leonardo da Vinci"), also dedicated to Leonardo, which, according to P. Muratov's classification, opened a new period of the appeal of Russian literature to Italy, and which, according to him, played an extremely important role in "the new connection of Russian literature with Italian themes" [13, p. 11. My italics. A. K.].

From the point of view of our topic, it should be added here that N. Berdyaev was perfectly familiar not only with the works of both authors, but also knew them personally; moreover, which is no less important in this case, he appreciated their role even more highly, claiming that they were "among the first", who contributed, among other things, to the "revaluation of aesthetic values", "overcoming Russian nihilism in relation to art", "liberation of artistic creativity and artistic assessments from the oppression of social utilitarianism" and, as a result, "changing the aesthetic consciousness" of the era [102, p. 306. The italics are mine. A. K.].

And one more important aspect concerning the "Italian" literature listed above: we have every reason to assert that she was also included in the mandatory circle of N. Berdyaev's research interests. Judging by his review of the book by G. Seaille "Leonardo da Vinci as an artist and scientist" (from the point of view and subject matter is very revealing), which he met in the original (Gabriel Seailles. L?onard de Vinci. Lartiste et le savant: 1452-1519: Essai de biographie psychologique. Paris, 1892), i.e. several years before it was translated and published in Russia (1898) he not only closely followed such literature, but was also perfectly familiar with it. In any case, in the literature devoted to Leonardo, he was guided freely, and this applies not only to monographic books by famous authors, but also to periodical articles published in various journals [see: 104, p. 82]. From the same review we learn that by this time (i.e. by the end of the XIX century) he was already familiar with the corresponding works of I. Goethe, V. Pater, Richter, I. Taine, T. Gautier "and other" authors. There is no doubt that the range of literature mastered by him was by no means limited to the listed authors. It is difficult to imagine that he could pass by works dedicated (and this is at least) to the work of those deeply revered by him along, of course, with Leonardo Botticelli, Francis of Assisi or his beloved Florence. It is even more difficult to imagine that he was not familiar with the works of such authors (whose names were then, as they say, on the ear of the educated public) as: I. Grevs, D. Ruskin, Ya. Burkhardt, V. Rozanov, B. Zaitsev, B. Griftsov, A. Dzhivelegov, P. Muratov, (with the last five he to I was also personally acquainted with him), R. Roland, E. Zhebar, G. Velflin, etc. Moreover, as we now know, he also followed the periodical very closely. And this means that already by his first Italian trip he was theoretically prepared so that he could go to Italy at the end of the XIX century, already then fully conforming to the famous "motto" of I. Greves: "From books to monuments, from the study to the real stage of history...", in any case, the first part of it (it will "match" the second after the second trip). And this, in turn, means that his increased interest in literature devoted to the culture and art of Italy was, of course, by no means accidental, as, therefore, his first Italian trip was far from accidental. The question was only in time when to go But here the Vologda link unexpectedly made its own adjustments. And although she did not cancel the planned trip, she postponed these deadlines for several years. Therefore, his first trip took place only in the autumn of 1904 (which passed by the attention of most researchers).

As if in addition to the abovelisted array of "Italian" literature, in 1912 another no less significant - event of great importance took place in the cultural life of Russia. The Museum of Fine Arts named after Emperor Alexander III (at the Moscow Imperial University) opens in Moscow. And here Italian art in general and, above all, the Renaissance as if reflecting the priorities of the era, will also be presented unusually widely. It is significant that it was conceived as an educational (!) museum of casts (from works of classical sculpture), to help students who did not have the means to study the arts abroad (by the way, the title "educational" was borrowed from the Germans, where the first such museum of casts appeared in Bonn in 1820, and by the end In the XIX century, almost all major universities of the West already possessed them) [105].

The idea of creating such a museum was expressed by the historian and art critic, Professor I. V. Tsvetaev (1847-1913) (father of the poetess Marina Tsvetaeva), an expert on antiquity and the Italian Renaissance, at the "First Congress of Russian Artists and Art Lovers" (1894), where he proposed to found a new art museum in Moscow. The idea was supported both at the level of benefactors and patrons, as well as members of the royal family. Construction was started in August 1898, in a solemn ceremony with the participation of Emperor Nicholas II and members of his family. In no less solemn atmosphere, in the presence of Nicholas II, the long-awaited opening of the museum took place on May 31, 1912.

And if at first it was conceived only as a museum of plaster casts, then even before its opening (in the late 1900s), as a result of offering valuable collections of original works to the museum, I. V. Tsvetaev (who became its first director) comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to include originals in the exposition, and first of all - works of painting, the basis of which was the collection of the diplomat M. S. Shchekin, consisting of unique monuments of Italian painting of the XIVXV centuries, which marked the beginning of the collection of paintings. In 1924, as a result of the closure of the Rumyantsev Museum, part of its rich collection of Western European paintings, which included more than 500 paintings [106], was transferred to the Tsvetaev Museum, to which additional collections from the State Museum Fund were also added, where works from former private collections of Moscow and country residences were concentrated. In the autumn of the same year, paintings began to arrive from the nationalized St. Petersburg collections of Princes Yusupov, Counts Stroganov and Shuvalov, as well as from the Hermitage. These receipts formed the main core of the art gallery, the Italian section of which already numbered over two hundred works (as a result, of the four halls of the gallery opened in 1925, one was completely given over to the exposition of Italian painting of the XIIIXVII centuries).Therefore, a very special place belongs to the history of the creation of the museum of Italian painting, since it was from her that the formation of its art gallery began [107].

From what has been said, it is not difficult to see the increased interest of the Russian public (both in the field of literature and fine art) in the era of the Italian Renaissance. And it wasn't just a coincidence. It is significant that the Silver Age felt its inner almost kindred connection with the Italian Renaissance. And this, in the words of P. Muratov, also reflected the "spirit of our era" [13, p. 2]. It is not for nothing that the name "Russian cultural Renaissance" was fixed for her. And it is no less significant that this expression came into use in philosophical, aesthetic and art criticism thought thanks to N. Berdyaev.

But the importance of this period also lies in the fact that this new appeal and a new rise in increased interest in the Revival have opened a new Italy to the Russian reader!It was no longer the "Russian Italy" of travelers of the XIX century, the country of Naples and Tasso, Rome and the Forum. Now it appeared as the birthplace of Florence during the time of Cosimo de' Medici, nicknamed by descendants "Pater Patriae" ("Father of the Fatherland"), during whose reign Florence turned into the capital of the arts, and his grandson Lorenzo the Magnificent, who continued the work of his grandfather, with whom, in turn, the highest rise and flourishing of the Florentine culture and art, i.e. like the Italy of Dante, Leonardo and Botticelli. Therefore, of course, it is no coincidence that the beginning of this period was marked by the appearance of the above-mentioned novels by A. Volynsky and D. Merezhkovsky. According to P. Muratov, it was the latter who managed to convey in its entirety "a surprisingly vivid ... sense of Italian Renaissance life" and rediscover Florence, since it is he who meets its "first images" [13, p. 11, 13]. And Merezhkovsky, meanwhile, wrote literally the following: "I can't think of anything like Florence Venice might not have been. And what would have happened to us if there had been no Florence?" [cit. by: 3, p. 9. My italics. A. K.].

A special attitude to Florence during this period will be confirmed later by I. Greves, according to which Florence is no more, no less the key (!) to understanding Italy.Hence his recommendations for those who really want and are ready for a genuine understanding of the culture and art of this country. "The most convenient way," the historian insists, "is to start wandering from Florence and Tuscany. This is one of the most excellent sources of "selfeducation on monuments" and perhaps the best field for the first acquaintance with everything that Italy gives" [96, p. 55]. On this occasion, P. Muratov (no less passionately in love with Florence) will rightly note: if we try to find the common thing that united all those who wrote about Italy in this period, then such a sign was undoubtedly "love for Florence" [13, p. 13. My italics. A.K.]. And this this feature fundamentally distinguishes them from all their predecessors. For Florence has not attracted the attention of Russian thought until now, and as the main object of interest, according to the same author, practically "did not exist for our literature" either in Pushkin or even in Gogol's periods. And only now, at the turn of the century, Florence "has become an artistic shrine for us," the same author states, "first of all, as the birthplace of Leonardo" [ibid. Italics are mine. A. K.]. However, it was the birthplace of both Dante and Botticelli, who will also be not by chance in the center of attention of the Silver Age.

Of course, it is not by chance that special attention is paid here to the new discovery of Florence by the Silver Age, since this is directly related to our topic. As you know, N. Berdyaev's first trips will be connected with Florence! That explains a lot. He was also "passionately in love" with Florence, he was also "always very excited" about Leonardo, and no less reverently he treated Botticelli, "very beloved" and revered by him, who was also a creature of the Silver Age, having a decisive aesthetic influence on the spirit of this era itself (Cf.: "There was a time, B. Zaitsev recalled when Botticelli didn't tell people anything but here we are, nurtured on him, pierced by his tenderness, light, sadness, so we will leave with him ...") [80, p. 196. My italics. A. K.]. There is no doubt that this was the "situation of the time itself", the cultural and ideological and artistic and aesthetic climate of the era, which objectively contributed to the increased interest both in Florence itself and its brilliant representatives. Therefore, N. Berdyaev's choice of Florence as the main goal of both trips, as we now see, was also far from accidental and reflected the trends of the time.

And here we cannot ignore the work of the author who has been repeatedly quoted Pavel Muratov ("Images of Italy"), which during this period will play an extremely important role in the further development of Russian-Italian relations, in a certain sense essentially "rediscovering Italy. "Muratov's book opened the life, culture and art of Italy to the Russian reader of the beginning of the XX century, the Silver Age of Russian Culture. Blok, Bely, Akhmatova, Tsvetaeva, Gumilev, Khodasevich relied on Muratov's sense of Italy in their Italian impressions. But it would not be an exaggeration to say that the Russian intelligentsia of the entire twentieth century saw Italy through Muratov's eyes" [108, p. 161. My italics. A. K.].

From the point of view of our topic, it is important to note here that the first volume of "Images" was published in 1911 [13], just on the eve of N. Berdyaev's second trip to Italy, with whom he most likely managed to get acquainted before his departure, it is also possible that he took this book with him (as a kind of guide), as well as the fact that he also "saw Italy" could see! including "Muratov's eyes", in any case, on a number of issues, the similarity of their views is beyond doubt (both considered the main centuries of the Italian Renaissance as independent epochs, the heart of both belonged to the incomparable Florence and Florentine Botticelli, etc.). Besides, it is known that they met personally and in Moscow, and in Rome, and it is difficult to assume that at the same time the "Italian" topics that worried both of them were not discussed, as, of course, the book itself. Moreover, according to the unanimous recognition of contemporaries, the image of Italy as an artistic and aesthetic space in general, and the kingdom of beauty in particular, succeeded P. Murat like no one else before him [109].The work has gained immense popularity, having turned into essentially a desktop book for more than one generation of the Russian intelligentsia. Many Russian travelers took it with them as a guide. And if before the "Images" Italy was studied and routes were built mainly "according to Goethe", now it was also comprehended "according to Muratov". Therefore, it is not by chance that the "Images" in their influence on contemporaries will not only be compared with Goethe's "Italian Journey", but also put on a par with him [110, p. 3]. The book was regarded as "excellent" [111, p. 222], and its reading as exciting and "fascinating" [112, p. 110], and it was quoted (or mentioned) by almost everyone who wrote about Italy at that time. As B. Zaitsev later recalled: "The success of "Images" was great, indisputable. In Russian literature, there is nothing equal to them in terms of the artistry of experiencing Italy, in terms of knowledge and elegance of performance. These books are in tune with the period of Russian spiritual development when our culture, in a short-lived "Renaissance" or "silver age", was emerging from the provincialism of the late XIX century to the brief, tragic flowering of the early XX" [113, pp. 215-216; cf. also: 114, p. 276]. But if B. Zaitsev can still be "suspected" of some bias (after all, the book was dedicated to him), then another contemporary of theirs, A. Bakhrah, will not only essentially confirm his words, but will also give a more detailed description, pointing out her important role that she played in the development of Russian-Italian relations: "... there was hardly a family among the intelligentsia whose bookshelf would not have Muratov's "Images of Italy". This two-volume book was not only fascinating reading and evidence of the deep erudition of their author, but in addition it played a significant role in the Russian-Italian cultural rapprochement.Under his influence, thousands of Russian tourists students, teachers, people of the most modest means went to survey the monuments of the Italian Renaissance at ridiculously cheap rates, wandered not only around Rome or Florence, but also plowed the towns of Umbria and Tuscany, which they heard about for the first time from Muratov" [115, p. 38. My italics. A. K; cf. also: 116, p. 107].

However, in addition to the "Images", in the same years he also published "Novellas of the Italian Renaissance" [117], which he himself collected, translated and wrote extensive and thorough introductory articles to them. And in this genre, he also sought to show Italian culture as fully as possible, presenting it with all the main periods of development [podr. about this, see: 79, pp. 169-173, 178-179, 182, etc.]. And he quite succeeded. The publication of Renaissance novels has become not only a noticeable phenomenon in the cultural life of Russia, but also a real discovery for the Russian reading public. So this two-volume book, in the words of A. Bakhrakh, also played a role in the Russian-Italian cultural rapprochement.

However, P. Muratov's role in the rapprochement and strengthening of Russian-Italian ties was not limited to this. In the spring of 1918, he became one of the organizers of the Institute of Italian Culture Studio Italiano, which existed in Moscow until his departure (and the expulsion of its other participants) in 1922 from Russia. The activity of this Institute is interesting for us primarily because it is also directly related to our topic, since one of its representatives was N. Berdyaev, who took an active part in the work of the Institute.

The first director of the Institute was the Italian writer and publicist, Florentine Odoardo Campa (1879-1965), passionately in love with Russia, who moved to Moscow with his family in early 1914 [118, p. 46]. However, even before his departure from Italy, burning and passionate about the idea of bringing our cultures and people closer together, in the years preceding the move (1909-1913), as a publisher, he actively introduced the Italian public to "Russian literature and thought", in particular, to the works of L. Tolstoy, A. Chekhov, L. Andreev, M. Gorky and others . Therefore, as O. Campa himself recalled, it was not difficult for him (especially since he had already been to Russia three times before moving) to find and rally around his idea a "strong group" of Russian intellectuals in love with Italy and establish an Institute of Italian Culture that could serve both as a "link and the stimulus of Russian-Italian relations" [cit. by: ibid. The italics are mine. A. K.].And, as the author hoped, this Institution should have existed "not as a helpless private initiative, but as a state institution of a great country that is willing and able to make its way forward, arousing the respect of the whole world" [cit. by: ibid.].

The official opening ceremony of the Institute took place on April 22, 1918. The Institute had its own Manifesto (which was signed by such outstanding figures of Russian culture as I. Baltrushaitis, K. Balmont, N. Berdyaev, V. Bryusov, I. Grabar, Y. Gauthier and Vyach. Ivanov) [see about this in more detail: 119] and a rather ambitious program involving the creation of similar institutions in Italy. Russian Russian and Italian languages, including the holding of permanent exhibitions of the best examples of Italian and Russian art; and as an integral element of strengthening mutual ties the mandatory arrangement of study trips of Russians to Italy and Italians to Russia [118]. The program also included the publication of its own magazine under the same name "Studio Italiano", as well as the publication in Russian and Italian of works on issues of interest to the parties, including the holding of permanent exhibitions of the best examples of Italian and Russian art; and as an integral element of strengthening mutual ties, the mandatory arrangement of study trips of Russians to Italy and Italians to Russia [118, pp. 48-49].

As P. Muratov later recalled, who in the spring of 1921 (after O. Camp's final return to his homeland) became chairman of the Institute, at first it was a "small circle of people" connected by a "common love for Italy" [120, p. 2], which also included: Y. Baltrushaitis, N.. Berdyaev, B. Griftsov, A. Dzhivelegov, B. Zaitsev, M. Osorgin, A. Remizov, V. Khodasevich, G. Chulkov and other participants who have not yet left Russia. As the activity of this "circle" expanded, young university teachers and employees of the Museum of Fine Arts joined it: A. Gabrichevsky, N. Romanov, A. Sidorov, M. Khusid, S. Shervinsky, etc. [3, p. 322]. The Institute conducted cycles of public lectures on the history of Italian culture, art and literature, bringing together Moscow writers, writers, art historians, university professors, students and other representatives of the intelligentsia. P. Muratov recalled: "In the most difficult and terrible years, posters appeared on the walls of Moscow houses announcing the "autumn" or "spring", "Florentine" or "Venetian" cycle of lectures undertaken by our circle. It is not surprising to read a lecture about Venice or Florence, even in a fur coat, even in a hall with a temperature below zero, but I was always surprised how there were people who were ready to listen to these lectures" [120, p. 2]. And there were such people, and there were a lot of them. Moreover, Italian "Russianists" also joined our "Italians". The fact is that in August 1919 O. Campa managed to get permission from A. Lunacharsky himself for an official business trip to Italy with the instruction that "Odoardo Alekseevich Campa is going to Italy from the State Library in order to replenish its funds" [121; see also: 122; 118, pp. 50-56]. He had to compile a general bibliographic list of Italian literature, establish contacts with the largest libraries of the Italian Kingdom, both public and private, to study bibliographic publications. He was also instructed to start negotiations with publishers, booksellers, second-hand booksellers, etc. to purchase old and modern publications of literary and artistic value [118, p. 53]. Returning to Italy and starting to fulfill his "responsible mission", he simultaneously establishes in Florence the "Society of Friends of Russia" ("Italian Society for the Study of Slavic Cultures"), with the aim of "throwing a bridge" between our countries to further strengthen mutual cultural ties.As if to continue and strengthen this activity, in October 1920 the legendary periodical "Russia. Rivista di letteratura, storia e filosofia" ("Russia. The Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy", published until 1926 inclusive) the first Italian magazine devoted to Russian culture, which set itself the "broadest" tasks) [ibid., p. 60; 123, p. 3], which was published and edited by Ettore Lo Gatto (1890-1983), more one Italian, who is in love with Russia and also played an outstanding role in maintaining cultural ties between our countries, without exaggeration [see more about it: 118, pp. 15-136; 123, pp. 3-8; 124, pp. 759-764]. In the same 20s, he also managed to establish the Institute of Eastern Europe in Rome (with a new serious scientific almanac "Eastern Europe", published since 1921, of which he was the editor) [118, p. 31; 121]. The largest Italian Slavist, Russianist, tireless propagandist of Russian and Slavic literature in Italy, nicknamed the "patriarch of Italian Russian studies", who saw his mission in the rapprochement of our peoples, about which B. Zaitsev will say: Russian Russian literature and, in my opinion, loves Russia more than Italy..." [125, p. 299], and M. Talalai will add to this: "Ettore Lo Gato, it seems, has written about everything Russian that is possible" [121]. Of course, it was also a very important step towards maintaining and strengthening Russian-Italian ties.

In addition, O. Campa, continuing his business trip, resuming (and establishing new) contacts with the intellectual elite of Italy, facilitated the arrival of its representatives to Moscow, and thereby direct "live" contact of scientists and cultural figures of both countries. And although the Moscow Studio Italiano existed for only five years (almost all of its representatives were expelled from Russia in 1922), and the Italian Society of Friends of Russia even less ceased to exist in the same 1922, with the coming to power of Mussolini (O. Campa, as sympathetic to the "red" Moscow and as an "employee" of A. Lunacharsky, naturally, came under suspicion and had to retire from active activity), and, nevertheless, these organizations and, above all, the Moscow Studio played a very important role in the restoration and further development of Russian-Italian relations. The fact is that the First World War severed cultural ties between our countries, and the October Revolution and the Civil War that followed it did not contribute to their development at all. Suffice it to recall that officially diplomatic relations between our countries were restored only on February 11, 1924, i.e. already under the USSR and Mussolini in Italy, when both countries were completely different. And in these, in the words of P. Muratov, "the most difficult and terrible years," in the midst of civil war and devastation, an organization appears that is trying to maintain and preserve the spiritual connection between Italy and Russia. These fruitful and truly heroic spiritual efforts did not go unnoticed, at least from the Italian side. One of the special correspondents of the Italian newspaper "Il Messaggero", Vittorio Ottina, who was in Soviet Russia during this period, wrote so heartfelt about the Moscow Studio Italiano in 1922: "Our country has devoted admirers who love it touchingly, from afar. Italy owes them a lot, even if it often does not even know about them. But much more worthy of recognition are those enthusiastic researchers who know how to love her in days of suffering and the gravest hardships, who in the most terrible hours continue to bring spirituality into the world, having no other reward than to preserve the accumulated faith in Italy, in this magical country, passionately living her past every day and finding food in her for the mind and solace for the soul. Russian Russian scientists in general, being people of deep culture, these friends of Italy (the relationship of Italians and Russians is by no means an empty stamp)of all foreigners, they are the most mentally close to our country.They actually unlike scientists from other countries ... imbued with the spirit of Italy, harboring admiration and appreciation for its very essence.Their human nature is close to ours.That is why, among others, the motif of the "second Fatherland" sounds"[cit. by: 118, pp. 64-65. Italics are mine. A. K.]. Therefore, no less heartfelt and with a tribute of deep respect, Lo Gatto will add to this: "May their names always be mentioned here (i.e. in Italy. A. K.) with gratitude" [cit. by: 121. My italics. A. K.].

But even at this point, P. Muratov's activities aimed at maintaining and continuing Russian-Italian cultural relations (especially given the current situation) did not end. Having already found himself abroad in 1922, in particular, in Germany, with almost the same "small circle of people" associated with a "common love for Italy", with whom he participated in the activities of Studio Italiano, he undertakes another action, being both its organizer and participant. We are talking about an event that will later be called the "Roman Readings", held in Italy and dedicated to Russia. The correspondence that P. Muratov conducted with O. Signorelli during these years [see: 126, pp. 89-108] testifies to his central role in organizing these readings, which were held in Rome in the autumn of 1923 on the initiative of the "Italian Committee for the Assistance of the Russian Intelligentsia" together with the Institute of Eastern Europe, the organizer and secretary of which was already known to us "Rusist" Ettore Lo Gatto. The abovementioned addressee of P. Muratov, Olga Signorelli and her husband, took part in the organization of the readings, on whose support P. Muratov had great and not groundless hopes. Having met in June 1923 with Prof. Russian Russian Signorelli in Berlin, P. Muratov at this meeting and voiced to him the idea of inviting Russian professors and writers who found themselves in exile to read a series of lectures on Russian culture in Rome in the autumn-winter of 1923 [127, p. 82]. After a series of meetings and "days of great excitement," P. Muratov was happy to inform B. Zaitsev from Berlin: "...How glad I am to write good news...The lectures will take place firmly and 400 lire will be allocated to everyone. Everyone is stirring here. Osorgin took up his mind and engaged in arbatization.Berdyaev will also definitely go..." [cit. by: 91, p. 102. Italics are mine. A.K.; see also:126, p. 90; 128, p. 302].

The opening of the long-awaited readings took place on November 3, 1923 (and lasted until December 15) [129, p. 182]. In addition to P. Muratov, N. Berdyaev, B. Vysheslavtsev, B. Zaitsev, L. Karsavin, M. took part in them. Novikov, M. Osorgin, S. Frank, A. Chuprov and E. Shmurlo, who delivered lectures on various aspects of culture and problems of modern Russia. Moreover, some of the lecturers read their reports in Italian (B. Zaitsev and M. Osorgin), and part in French (N. Berdyaev, B. Vysheslavtsev and S. Franc). And although the listeners of these lectures were mainly Roman students, however, the readings were also actively attended by writers and other representatives of the Italian intelligentsia. And after the first readings, P. Muratov was pleased to inform the Zaitsevs that the lectures were held with great "newspaper success" [91, p. 105].

However, as it is rightly noted, these Roman readings, unfortunately, did not become a prologue to a new stage of Russian-Italian relations, but actually turned out to be their epilogue ... [ibid., p. 112]. The events unfolding in both countries did not at all contribute not only to their further strengthening, but also to mutual maintenance at the achieved level. Although attempts to preserve them for some time were made on both sides.

In 1924, Lo Gatto concluded an agreement with the Prague publishing house "Flame", according to which the Roman publishing house "Stock" was given the opportunity to publish books by Slavic authors in Italian. Russian Russian Stock has played an important role in publishing not only Russian literature, but also books on the history of Russian fine art and the Russian history of philosophy. In any case, the following year, taking advantage of the new opportunity that opened up, P. Muratov published his article "Ancient Russian Art", translated by the same Lo Gatto into Italian (Praga; Roma, 1925) and A. Caffi into French (Praga; Roma, 1925) [129, p. 183]. And in the same year, E. Radlov's book on the history of Russian philosophy was published (E. Radlov Storia della Filoso?a russa / traduzione di E. Lo Gatto. Roma: A. Stock, 1925). In 1926, the publishing house Slavia appeared in Turin, which played a significant role in popularizing Russian literature in Italy. In the unofficial competition for the dissemination of works by Russian writers, Turin, thanks to Slavia, took first place and became a place of "triumphant" Russian studies. With the rarest exceptions, it printed books by Slavic authors and, above all, Russians. Suffice it to say that during the period of its existence (1926-1934), out of sixty-eight published translated books, fifty-four belonged to Russian authors. In this respect (in those years), no publishing house could compete with Slavia, which also managed to achieve similar results in such a short time [130, pp. 151, 152]. In the same (1926) year in Italy, the Rivista delle letterature slave magazine was created ("Review of Slavic Literatures", published in the coming years, 1926-1932) and in a sense continued the traditions of "Russia", but in the broader context of the Slavic peoples.

And a little earlier Vach. Ivanov, leaving Russia in 1924, was heading to Italy not empty-handed, but with a project to create a Russian Academy in Rome (or an Institute of Archaeology, History and Art History) on the model of the national academies of other countries already existing here [91, p. 107]. Moreover, Vyach himself was to become the head of the Academy. Ivanov. Previously, the project was coordinated by him with the People's Commissar of Education A. Lunacharsky and the president of the State Academy of Art Sciences (GAKHN) in Moscow P. Kogan. Perhaps this project could open a new page in the history of Russian-Italian relations. But after a number of unsuccessful meetings, Vach. Ivanov and the officials of the Soviet mission in Rome (it was impossible to bypass the Ministry of Foreign Affairs when dealing with such issues), he was convinced of the futility of this event. And although the very "idea" of the Russian Institute was not directly denied by officials from the embassy (and even seemed to cause "sympathy"), but as a result of the "final" official conversation held in October 1924, dissatisfaction with its program was expressed, and the very personality of the poet Viach. Ivanova did not inspire their confidence [131, pp. 518-519]. And although at first A. Lunacharsky (despite the first "failures") did not lose his general optimistic mood regarding the implementation of this project ("The idea of the Institute in Rome is by no means buried") [cit. according to: ibid., p. 556], especially since the Institute, as it was supposed, was not to be part of the Academy of Sciences, but of the Commissariat of Education and thus depend directly on A. Lunacharsky (thereby bypassing party officials less disposed to the project), and encouraged Vyach. However, this not only did not happen in the near future, but in 1929 which for both became a "turning point" the "liberal" A. Lunacharsky will be transferred to another place of work, and in 1929. Ivanov was strictly ordered by the People's Commissariat of Education to "return to the USSR" [ibid., p. 559]. So the "idea of the Institute" eventually turned out to be completely "buried" by completely different processes that were gaining strength in both countries.

In conclusion, it remains only to summarize the preliminary results regarding what the discovery was for the Russian people of Italy and, above all, for the creative intelligentsia and how this discovery affected their personal creativity, in order to fully represent the general cultural and artistic-aesthetic atmosphere in the context of which and as a result of which influence and took place N. Berdyaev's Italian travels, since the idea of them (as it is now obvious from all of the above) originated with him, of course, not from scratch.

By the end of the XIX beginning of the XX century, the ideas of Italy as an amazing, unique and, of course, "the most beautiful" country, which is essentially a "paradise on earth", had finally formed. And if the first trips to this country in the overwhelming majority can be described as "passing", when Italy turned out to be only one of the many "points" of foreign travel of our compatriots in Europe, then since the second half of the XVIII century it has already been included in the mandatory route, and in the XIX century it becomes the main one for many, and then and the only purpose of such trips, when the latter are gradually transformed from cultural and entertainment into purely educational and, finally, turn into real scientific business trips. As a result, the idea is approved, according to which it is impossible to become a truly European educated person without visiting Italy.And for the teaching staff of educational institutions, such trips become "a necessary condition for the success of scientific activity."The love of Italy turns into a cult of Italy and everything Italian. And travel to this country is becoming essentially regular and almost "massive". Italy is becoming a place of cultural pilgrimage, a kind of artistic and aesthetic Mecca, "the native home of our soul", in fact a "second homeland"

The social composition of travelers is also changing dramatically. If before it was visited mainly by representatives of the aristocracy and nobility, now writers, poets, artists, musicians, philosophers, the same people of science, teachers, students, who not only travel, comprehending the spirit of this country, but painstakingly study its culture and art, and for a long time, make a real pilgrimage to this promised country. they live in Italy, actively implementing their creative plans, while others remain in it until their death, when Italy really becomes a second homeland no longer figuratively, but in the literal sense of the word. The expression "my Italy" is becoming almost a commonplace, and not only in the mouths of those who have already visited Italy, but also those who have not seen it with their own eyes at all, and some even dream of ending their earthly journey there Against such a cultural, historical, artistic and aesthetic background - and the epochal moods of the turn of the century - N. Berdyaev's irrepressible desire to visit this "sacred land of creativity" and "the shrine of embodied beauty" was born.

It should be added to the above that N. Berdyaev, as could be seen from the above, took the most active role in the development and strengthening of Russian-Italian relations. After his first Italian travels (1904, 1911-1912), he also turned into a passionate admirer of Italian culture, a Russian "Italianist", and could no longer pass by those beginnings that were connected in the development of relations between our countries. "Italy has given me infinitely much," the philosopher later recalled his Italian travels with gratitude and nostalgia, "and I love it with exceptional love" [132, p. 19]. He was not only one of the participants of the famous "Studio Italiano", but, judging by his signature under the Manifesto of the Studio, he was directly involved in its compilation (the main author of which is recognized by Y. Baltrushaitis) [see: 119, pp. 88-90]. Since the spring of 1918, he, together with A. Veselovsky, Y. Gauthier, Vyach. Ivanov, P. Sakulin, etc. He was also a member of the "Union of Spiritual Communication between the Intelligentsia of Russia, France and Italy", the first meeting of which took place on March 17, 1918, i.e. a month earlier than the first public meeting of "Studio Italiano", held on April 22 of the same year [133, pp. 132-133 169-170]. N. Berdyaev's final trip to Italy in 1923 should also be considered as a continuation of the same general cultural line aimed, if not at further strengthening RussianItalian relations, then, in any case, at their feasible maintenance. Although this trip will add a bitter taste from meeting with a different Italy. How sadly he will remember later: "I returned to a completely different, fascist Italy" [2, p. 461]. By the way, it is the latter circumstance that will be the main reason why he will not stay in Italy for permanent residence, but will eventually prefer France to her.

However, perhaps the most important and unique thing is that the very spiritual atmosphere of Italy turned out to be a colossal source of inspiration, contributing to the disclosure of such creative forces of a person that he "did not dare to dream of" before his stay in this "paradise" country.As N. Berdyaev wrote about this and what he himself was able to see from his own experience "in Italy, everything aggravates the question of creativity" [132, p. 19. My italics. A. K.]. This is really an amazing phenomenon, which indicates that almost no creative person has left Italy without creating either his masterpiece or one of his best works there. And as a confirmation of this idea, it remains here to give only a number of examples to make sure that Italy is unique for creative people from this point of view.

Karl Bryullov created a significant part of his works in Italy, among which the first major independent work of the artist "Italian Morning" (1823), and one of the recognized masterpieces of portraiture "Portrait of Colonel A. N. Lvov" (1824). In Rome, he painted no less famous and famous paintings "Italian Noon" (1827), "The Horsewoman" (1832). And finally, one of the most famous "The Last Day of Pompeii" (1833), declared "the first painting of the golden age" in art, which will bring him European fame. It is from the triumph of this painting that Italy (in particular, Rome) will be destined to play a decisive role in the history of Russian painting. Since it is from Rome, as already noted above, that the new historical painting will come to Russia.

Peter Chaadaev, who found himself in Italy in December 1824 August 1825, it is here that the main provisions of his original historiosophical concept are finally determined, which will then be reflected in the "Philosophical Letters" [71, p. 2].

In Italy, Alexander Ivanov, paying tribute to classicism, will paint one of his first "Italian" paintings "Apollo, Hyacinth and Cypress, engaged in music and singing (1831-1834). And although the painting remained unfinished, nevertheless, it was recognized as one of the most perfect works of Russian high classicism.Here, in Italy, for the first time, he is visited by the idea of creating a large picture on a biblical theme. He decides to focus on the first appearance of Christ. However, as a preparatory work for such a grandiose work in the same years (1834-1835), he created a large painting "The Appearance of Christ to Mary Magdalene after the Resurrection", which was first exhibited in the Capitol, and then sent to St. Petersburg, where it was a great success, as a result, the Society for the Encouragement of Artists presented it to the sovereign. Already for this preparatory "Italian" work, A. Ivanov was awarded the title of a full member of the Academy of Arts and, as a reward, his stay in Italy was extended for another three years. And here, finally, his main work appears "The Appearance of Christ to the People", which was generally ready by 1845 (although work on it continued throughout the master's stay in Italy) and eventually became what the artist himself intended it to be most of all "a school for young Russian painters" [134, pp. 263-268. The italics are mine. A. K.].

N. V. Gogol during his stay in Rome will write the first volume of "Dead Souls" (1841) and here he will begin writing the second volume (even before the completion of the first) [135, p. 291], as well as "Overcoat" (1841), radically rework "Taras Bulba" (1842) and "Portrait"(1842) and, finally, will complete the final edition of "Marriage" (1842) and "The Inspector" (1838) [136]. Italian impressions will form the basis of his unfinished novel "Rome" and the novella "Nights at the Villa" [137, p. 7].

The "Italian period" also had a special significance in the life of I. K. Aivazovsky. The artist painted his most inspired paintings during a business trip abroad in Italy. By the end of his first year in this country (since July 1840), I. Aivazovsky had painted more than a dozen large paintings (and a huge number of miniatures), some of which were exhibited in Rome in the spring of 1841 and caused the delight of the public. The audience and critics were unanimous that before I. Aivazovsky, "no one had ever depicted light, air and water so faithfully and vividly." His paintings such as: "Bay of Naples on a moonlit night", "Storm" and "Chaos. Creation of the World" were recognized as the best and made him famous, especially since the last one ("Chaos") Pope Gregory XVI himself acquired it and exhibited it in the papal apartments in the Vatican, where "only the works of the world's foremost artists" were honored to be placed, awarding I. Aivazovsky with a gold medal [138, pp. 153-154, 159-160]. Another painting, representing the Neapolitan fleet at Vesuvius, was desired by the King of Naples. In Italy, real fame comes to the artist, his paintings are recognized as the best.The number of works written by I. Aivazovsky in Italy is amazing. In 1876, Russian Antiquity published a list of his works painted in Italy and acquired by various museums, galleries and individuals. In the first less than three years of his stay in Italy alone, he painted more than thirty paintings, not counting a huge number of miniatures. And this applies only to works related to Naples and its surroundings.And in the same years, it was in Italy that he acquired the well-deserved fame of the best marine artist in Europe [69, pp. 123, 127-128].

I. S. Turgenev went to Rome in the autumn of 1857 with only one goal to "work hard", because in Rome, according to his deep conviction, "it is impossible not to work" and often this work is not only "successful", but also "soul-saving". And Rome justifies his hopes. Here he completes work on the story "Asya" (1857) and begins work on the story "First Love" and the truly landmark novel in his work "The Noble Nest" (1858) [139, pp. 85, 87; 140, p. 135].

F. M. Dostoevsky at the end of 1868 went to Florence for the second time specifically to complete the novel "The Idiot", which ends on January 17, 1869. In the same months here, another idea of a new big novel comes to him, which he considered his greatest idea.In one of his letters to A. Maikov, he reported: "Here I have on my mind now ... a huge novel, the name of it is "Atheism" ...". And further on the significance of this novel for his work and life: "For God's sake, don't tell anyone; but for me it's like this: to write this last novel, and even if I die, I will express myself completely" [cit. by: 3, pp. 104, 106. My italics. A.K.].

During his stay in Italy in the spring of 1876, Vl. Solovyov formed the main outlines of a grandiose philosophical concept of "God-Manhood". Even before arriving in Italy, he wrote to his mother (from Cairo) about his Italian plans: "In Italy I will settle for one month in Sorrento, where in the silence of solitude I will finish writing some work of mystical-theosophical-philosophical-theurgo-political content and dialogical form..." [cit. by: ibid., p. 124]. Nephew of Vl. Solovyova, S. M. Solovyov Jr. is sure that the third dialogue of "Sofia" was written in Sorrento "Philosophy of the Cosmic and Historical Process" [141, p. 131]. But even in Russia, Italy did not let him go. The summer of 1883 passed for him essentially "under the sign of Italy". While continuing to write the philosophical work "The Spiritual Foundations of Life", he is working on translations of Dante and Petrarch. And at the same time he makes a translation of the famous epigrams on the theme of Michelangelo's statue "Night" from the Medici Chapel [3, p. 124].

In Italy, P. I. Tchaikovsky creates his most outstanding works:The Fourth Symphony (1876-1877), which made up an entire epoch in the composer's work, fully embodying his aesthetic principles and innovative searches in the field of symphonic music [142, pp. 70-71; 143, p. 121], about which he informed his brother in December 1877: "I am writing a symphony with full consciousness that it is the work is remarkable and the most perfect in form of all my previous writings" [cit. according to: 39, p. 214. my italics. A. K.], and the opera "Eugene Onegin", which, along with the Fourth Symphony, acquired a milestone in the development of the composer, marking the onset of his full creative maturity, being the pinnacle of his operatic quest [143, p. 156]. Describing his work on the opera, P. Tchaikovsky wrote to his brother with delight and surprise: "I sat down to work and did in six days as much as I could not have expected" [cit. by: 39, p. 209. Italics are mine. A. K.], as if confirming Goethe's words already known to us that he managed to do what he "dared not even dream of" before his stay in Italy Then he found himself in Florence (1890), where he specially went, feeling "an urgent need to do ... his real business, i.e. writing" [cit. by: 144, p. 143. The italics are mine. A. K.], he is in a month and a half[ibid., p. 151], an unprecedented deadline for such things, which he himself assessed as an "unheardof feat", - finished sketches of his equally famous and iconic opera "The Queen of Spades", about which he will write heartfelt words, emphasizing its importance for his creative path: "I must admit, and I like the opera myself more than all my others, and I can't play many places at all properly from the feeling that overwhelms me. It takes your breath away, and you want to cry!" [cit. by: ibid.]. Immediately after the completion of the orchestration of the opera, as if in memory of his stay in this blessed city, he writes a sextet for string instruments under the appropriate title: "Memories of Florence", which turned out to be Tchaikovsky's first appeal to an ensemble of six stringed instruments. It was also a new step in his composing business the exit "from the framework of the quartet", which he considered as another of his creative achievements [ibid.].

D. S. Merezhkovsky was equally impressed by Italy, which served as an impetus for his creative searches of the 1890s and played a decisive role in the evolution of his philosophical and aesthetic views, as well as literary and poetic preferences. He writes a number of poems about Italy, in particular, a collection of poems "Symbols. Songs and Poems", which included the poem "Francis of Assisi"; a book of short stories on Italian themes "Love is stronger than Death", as well as the above-mentioned great novel "Resurrected Gods. Leonardo da Vinci", which he conceived already during his first trip to Italy in 1891 and on which he worked in the second half of the 90s of the XIX century. Having found himself in Italy in the 30s and being on the wave of the greatest popularity, he writes books about Dante and Francis of Assisi (1938) and scripts for two films based on his works - about Leonardo and Dante (the films were never shot, but the script about Leonardo was still published, but already in New York in 1990) [145].

V. V. Rozanov, who had dreamed of the "land of holy miracles" since his student days, went to Italy on his first trip abroad (1901). He reflects his impressions in a number of essays that are published in the newspaper Novoye Vremya (1901-1902) and the magazine Mir Iskusstva (1902), from which his book Italian Impressions (1909) will form. Italy "literally transformed" him, having a decisive influence on his religious and philosophical outlook. In addition, she finally turned him to A. S. Pushkin. It was in Italy that V. Rozanov experienced the happy state of freedom that the great poet always dreamed of. And he returned from this country not only as a "free Christian" ("Italy "opened the doors" of my religious contemplation...") [146, pp. 232-234], but also a real artist. According to R. Khlodovsky, "without Italian impressions there would be neither "Solitary" nor "Fallen Leaves"" [147; 148, p. 207].

M. Gorky, living in Italy for a long time, wrote not only a number of novels ("Confession", "Childhood", "The Life of an unnecessary person", "Summer", etc.), famous plays ("Fake Coin", "Cranks", "Vassa Zheleznova", etc.) and numerous short stories, but also his main novels are: "Mother", "The Life of Matvey Kozhemyakin", "The Artamonov Affair" and "his main" work "The Life of Klim Samgin" [69, pp. 256, 163, 183, 185], which was conceived by M. Gorky himself as the "novel of the century" and represented the final work of the author, essentially his artistic testament.On this occasion M. Gorky wrote: "I attach importance to the novel as the result of everything that I have done" [cit. by: 149, p. 182. The italics are mine. A. K.].

Arrival In Moscow. Ivanov's visit to Italy, in which he lived for a total of almost thirty years, awakened in him a "surge of new creative forces." In Rome, which he perceived as his "new homeland", where, according to him, he managed to "work up for himself ... a stock of Roman happiness", suddenly, after a long silence, "poems flowed freely" [150, p. 151]. And one by one, sonnets dedicated to Rome and its monuments began to be born, then combined into the poetic cycle "Roman Sonnets", which occupies an exceptional place not only in the mature work of the poet himself, but also in the European Roman text of the twentieth century.It is significant that this cycle appeared after the period of decline of the sonnet genre in the last decades of the XIX century, when the sonnet was perceived almost as a curiosity, and the appeal in the future. Ivanov's attitude to this most complex form, the form of Italian and European classics, was actually part of the program of the symbolist Renaissance [131, pp. 505-506]. In Rome, Vach. Ivanov completes many sections of his fundamental work on the religion of Dionysus [151, p. 33]. And finally, "The Roman Diary of 1944", the last poetry book created by Vyach. Ivanov in Italy [152], about the creation of which he wrote not without surprise: "What's the matter with me, I've composed poems again. The lyrical key opened and did not dry up for a whole year"[cit. according to: 150, p. 161. My italics. A. K.]. And here it remains to mention the novel "The Tale of Svetomir Tsarevich". And although the novel remained unfinished, but it was his Vach. Ivanov considered "the main business of his life" [cit. by: ibid., p. 163. Italics are mine. A. K.]. So the "main thing" was also born and created in Italy.

Examples can be easily continued, but the presented ones are more than enough to make sure not only that such phenomena are not accidental, but also that Italy really turned out to be an inexhaustible source of inspiration and "the soul's native home" for the vast majority of representatives of the Russian creative intelligentsia... I think if you list all the works that were created by Russian creative people (in different types of art) under the sun of Italy, it would be a truly impressive list, not just striking from a quantitative point of view, but also that it would be a list of works of outstanding, and sometimes real masterpieces that made up it would be an honor to any country, many of which were also written in such a time frame that amazed the authors themselves with their unprecedented creative productivity.

However, speaking of Italy as the "fatherland of inspiration", we, of course, cannot pass by Berdyaev's creativity. The philosopher also turned out to be one of the authors who fully experienced the inspiring atmosphere of the "land of holy miracles".He was also captured by themes inspired by Italian impressions. And from this point of view, he appears to us as a typical representative of his era, which was conquered and captured Italy. The "sacred land of creativity and beauty" also proved to be an inexhaustible source of inspiration for him. The first pages of his "most inspired" book ("The Meaning of Creativity"), written, according to him, "almost in a state of ecstasy" (in which, moreover, his "original philosophical thought" found expression for the first time and which he will cherish for this very reason throughout his life), were created precisely by on Italian soil. "The whole atmosphere of Italy..." N. Berdyaev later recalled, "inspired me to write my book" [2, p. 460]. Later, after its publication (1916), the book not only successfully fit into the "Italian" context that had gained strength and popularity, but, despite the ambiguous attitude towards it, nevertheless, it was recognized as the "most valuable" of what was written by N. Berdyaev [153, p. 284], and even his "first masterpiece" [154, p. 354], as well as one of the "most significant" religious and philosophical works of his time and "a real monument of his troubled era" [153, p. 284]. It is from this book that the theme of creativity will become for N. Berdyaev "root", fundamental, which finally determined his spiritual choice.However, from Italy he brought not only a new idea and a "part" of the book he wrote, but also a number of topics that will be in the center of his attention throughout his creative life. Moreover, he himself, according to his confession, came from the "paradise land" a completely different person, because "the writing of this book", as the author emphasizes, was associated not only with a "great rise" of his vitality, but was also accompanied by a "change" in the whole way of his life[ibid. My italics. A. K.]. And upon his return to Moscow, he began a completely "new period" of life and creativity [ibid., p. 461]. And what happened to him during these travels and what had a "very strong" essentially a turning point influence on his creative development, this topic deserves a separate conversation, to which the next article will be devoted.

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