DOI: 10.25136/2409-868X.2022.11.39246

Abstract: The subject of the study is the impact of the Ukrainian crisis on foreign and defense policy V4. The statements and actions of the Visegrad Group on the Ukrainian issue, which were ahead of the European Union's activity in their efficiency, are being investigated. However, the consolidation of the "quartet" countries has already been seriously tested in the first months and even weeks of the crisis, which will subsequently allow us to talk about the existence of a significant split between the participants. In addition, V4's activities regarding the Ukrainian crisis were mostly in the nature of a reaction to the events taking place, which did not offer any constructive strategies for resolving the process. The novelty of the scientific research in the framework of this article is expressed in the analysis of normative legal acts, statements of the Visegrad Group, demonstrating the different degree of response of V4 to various stages of the Ukrainian crisis, as well as the change in approaches to the defense policy of the "quartet" countries in the specified period of time. Also, the previously unexplored Action Plan of the Visegrad Group Defense Cooperation will be presented in the 2020 edition, which will indicate a wide range of challenges and threats, some of which do not directly relate to the security of the "quartet" countries, which indicates the actual disappearance of a purely regional component in the defense policy of the Visegrad Group.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-868X.2022.6.38076

Abstract: The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the process of designing and implementing the Eastern Partnership program began, which became the only significant foreign policy initiative of the Visegrad Four. The role of Poland, which positioned itself as a link between the EU and part of the post-Soviet space, is considered. The plans of France, Bulgaria and Romania in 2003-2004 for a number of post-Soviet countries, reflecting the ambitions of Paris, Sofia and Bucharest in the Black Sea and Mediterranean region, are presented. But under pressure from the European Commission, these initiatives were not further developed, and a decision was made to implement the Eastern Partnership project. The development tools used by V4 for the implementation of the Eastern Partnership project, due to the limited resource base of the Quartet countries, are considered. The criticism of the Eastern Partnership project is being studied, due to the lack of a common understanding among EU members of what prospects the new project can offer to "partner countries". The novelty of the scientific research in the framework of this article is expressed in the analysis of the "energy crises" and the change in the EU's approaches to the post-Soviet space in the late 2000s, which became the basis for the development and implementation by the Visegrad Group in 2004-2014 of the Eastern Partnership program. In this program, the "four" countries played the role of curators and a link between the EU and the post-Soviet space. The implementation of the project allowed V4 to gain political weight within the European Union. When developing relations with the "partner countries", the Visegrad Group tried to make maximum use of all available mechanisms and tools (for example, the potential and experience of implementing joint projects within the framework of the International Visegrad Foundation). At the same time, our own capabilities and resources (coupled with the ambiguous perception of the Eastern Partnership in the EU) did not allow us to fully implement all the stated strategic goals, which seriously affected the effectiveness of the project and the results obtained.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2021.4.36045

Abstract: The subject of this research is the historical conditions for the creation of Visegrád Group – subregional organization of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland. The collapse of the system of pro-communist regimes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe allowed the local dissident circles to create the “ideological” framework for subregional organization, which is based on the idea of the Central European identity. In the late 1980s, the idea of subregional cooperation in the socialist camp won support of a number of Western European countries. However, the initiative on the development regional cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe was taken over by the United States. The United States prompted the decision of the G7 member-states on the transfer of the European Commission a coordinating role in assisting Poland and Hungary as the flagships for conducting political and economic liberalization in Central and Eastern Europe. The novelty of this research consists in the analysis of attempts of subregional cooperation outside the framework of the European Economic Community in the late 1980s. Attention is also given to the previously unstudied criticism of the process of accession of the countries of Visegrád Group to the European Economic Community. Critical assessments substantiated by ineffectiveness of the programs of assisting the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as by posing threats to the stability of the European Economic Community member-states due to inclusion of the former socialist countries into the united Europe. The main conclusion lies in the statement that the collapse of the socialist camp at the turn of the 1980s – 1990s actualized the pursuit of identity in the new world by the Central and Eastern European countries. The oath of European integration was selected as a universal method for solution of this problem. However, regional cooperation remained a relevant question, since rapprochement with the Western Europe alone could not eliminate all the contradictions between the countries. The cooperation between Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia became the most successful example of such cooperation and served as the prototype for creation of other subregional structures.