The Anti-chinese Riots at Washington Territory in 1885-1886

Iarygin Vadim Vladimirovich PhD in History Teacher, Bryansk state vocational school (college) of Olympic reserve 241050, Russia, Bryansk region, Bryansk, Duki str., 74 yaryginvv84@gmail.com

Despite the fact that the United States of America has called itself a country of immigrants since its founding in 1776, this did not prevent various xenophobic sentiments from flourishing in American society. Various forms of discrimination by, as they called themselves, "Native Americans" (as it is known, the indigenous population of America are Indians, not whites) have become representatives of other peoples. These were the Irish with their centuries-old ethno-religious conflict between Anglo-Saxon Protestants and Irish Catholics; and Italians, who, like the Irish, were also accused of "papism"; and representatives of various Slavic peoples who arrived in the New World from the Russian Empire and Austria-Hungary; and Jews from Eastern Europe, who continued to adhere to their religion and customs, which caused the appearance of the first sprouts of anti-Semitism in America. A separate chapter in the history of American Anglo-Saxon xenophobia, which flourished in the USA in the second half of the XIX century, is sinophobia, that is, hatred towards the Chinese.

As you know, the Chinese first began to arrive in America en masse during the "gold rush" in the 1850s. And almost immediately, Chinese indentured workers provoked a wave of hatred from the white population. Violent actions began already in the 1860s. Mass anti-Chinese pogroms in Los Angeles and San Francisco in 1871 led to the deaths of 18 and 21 Chinese. Later, in 1877, during a railroad strike in San Francisco, a crowd burned 25 Chinese enterprises and buildings, anti-Chinese demonstrations took place in Denver in the 1880s ^{[10, p.23-23]}. The number of anti-Chinese protests was growing, including arson of houses, murders, while not a single court case was initiated. During the period 1870-1880, 153 anti-Chinese riots were registered in the American West in Denver, Los Angeles, Tacoma, Washington. Many Chinese immigrants created chinatowns – closed, enclosed spaces that resembled a cage, from which it was difficult to get out, but where they felt safe ^{[2, p. 170]}. Such sentiments among the white population of the states of the Far West were completely shared by the local political elite. The American historian J. Rhodes wrote: "No one could count on political support in California until he expressed an objection to Chinese immigration" ^{[14, p. 191]}.

The reason for such aggression was the ability of Asians to perform any work for a fee 2-3 times lower than the whites demanded for their labor. American workers and representatives of the petty bourgeoisie demanded protection from lawmakers from competition from cheap foreign labor (data were given according to which the Chinese could live on 10 cents a day, while white workers needed at least 50 cents ^{[4, p. 49-50]}). A Russian emigrant and businessman P.A. Dementyev, who lived in the USA at that time, writing under the pseudonym "Tverskoy" stated: "The Chinese work day and night, sleep fitfully, eat water and rice and save every penny; his indefatigability and the unconditional absence of any needs of a civilized person make him a terrible, invincible opponent of whites, where they collide on the everyday battlefield" ^{[1, p. 290]}. The completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway to British Columbia in the fall of 1885 released hundreds of unskilled and semi-qualified workers who flooded the labor market of western Washington. Many of these unemployed were Chinese immigrants who were recruited for the construction of railways ^{[21, p. 175]}.

An important factor that increased interethnic tension between Chinese and local Americans sailing to the east coast of the United States were fundamental cultural differences, which at that time were considered in principle insurmountable. All this in total led to the fact that the issue of Chinese immigration in the last quarter of the XIX century moved from the category of local, which occupied the attention of only the states of the West Coast, especially California; to the category of national, reaching the federal level.

While the federal government imposed bans on immigrants from China (the "Page Law" of 1875, the "Law on the Exclusion of Chinese" of 1882, the "Giri Law" of 1892), the population itself tried to solve the problem with newcomers. Moreover, not always by legal means, cases of lynching of "coolies" were recorded, and it came to pogroms. The most famous anti-Chinese pogrom occurred in the town of Rock Springs, Wyoming Territory, on September 2, 1885 – then 28 Chinese were killed and 50 were injured. The incident stirred up the public so much that President Cleveland considered it necessary to mention the pogrom in a message to Congress, noting that "racial prejudice is the main factor generating such incidents, they exist in a large part of our territory, endangering internal public order and good relations that we are trying to maintain with China" ^[5]. But the president's message did not affect the mood of the population in any way, the press wrote that "the civilization of the west coast cannot be half white and half Mongoloid" ^{[15, p. 2]}.

The pogrom in Rock Springs provoked the nativists of the Washington Territory to take active action. The crowd attacked workers sleeping in tents at night, three of them were shot by unknown persons under the cover of darkness ^{[3, p. 458]}. At the end of 1885, various gatherings and rallies became more frequent, the American labor organization "Knights of Labor" took an active part in this. The representative of the Knights, D. Cronin, in September 1885, a few days after the Rock Springs Massacre, presented a copy of the anti-Chinese charter prepared by his organization to the mayor of Tacoma, R. Weissbach, who at that time was also a member of the Knights of Labor ^[23]. Journalist E. Adams asked the mayor how he was going to get rid of 700 Chinese, who make up about a tenth of the population of Tacoma, and received this answer: "They were warned that they had to leave. The time they were given for training has expired, and they know about it. If any of them starts procrastinating, we will not help them" ^{[20, p. 378]}.

On September 28, an "Anti-Chinese Congress" gathered in Seattle, at which all workers' organizations that only shared these beliefs were represented ^{[3, p. 458]}. The resolution of the Congress was published in the local press with demands for "the immediate dismissal of all Chinese", "their immediate expulsion from the city no later than November 1" ^{[16, p. 1]}. The governor reported to the Minister of Internal Affairs that the people were ready "to rid the county of the Chinese by force, and if people find it necessary, to do it's with your own hands" ^{[13, p. 12]}. The head of the Territory tried not to harm US-Chinese relations and started a correspondence with the Chinese consul in San Francisco.

In early October, the white miners of Tacoma and Seattle and the representatives of the middle class gathered for the opposite purpose. The Puget Sound Congress elected a 15-member committee, which decided that the Chinese should leave Seattle and the surrounding area no later than November 1 ^{[10, p. 24]}. Back in September, Seattle Mayor G. Isler and former Mayor J. Leary had to notify the Chinese that they were no longer needed in the city and should be ready to leave Seattle on the next steamer ^{[8, p. 105]}. On October 14, the governor asked the sheriff of King County, J. McGraw, "is he able to protect life and property in the territory entrusted to him without involving the federal army?" ^{[13, p. 13]}.

At 9 a.m. on November 3, 1885, in Tacoma, the "Committee of Fifteen" and hundreds of members of the "Knights of Labor" ^{[17, p. 2]} approached the Chinese living outside the city. They forcibly dragged the Asians out of their homes, put them on carts and escorted them to a small railway station 9 miles from the city, leaving them to wait for the train to Portland. Sheriff L. Beard reported that everything went without casualties and decided not to arrest anyone. The next day, the governor reported to Interior Minister L. Lamar that "the Sheriff of Tacoma did not protect the Chinese from intimidation and forcible expulsion. About 200 people were expelled yesterday and today" ^{[13, p. 24]}.

On November 4, the mayor of Seattle in a telegram demanded that the governor send troops. November 5 , Governor U. Skjue published an appeal where it was said that the government allowed "to use any power of the law in the Territory to protect the Chinese from attacks" [Ibid., p. 25]. The situation in Washington Territory was getting more serious, Assistant Federal Prosecutor Hanford informed the governor that "the Chinese houses are on fire, you have to do something" [Ibid., p. 25]. On November 6, he summoned the federal army to protect the Chinese in Seattle. The troops arrived under the command of General J. Gibbon from Fort Vancouver on November 8 and remained in the city until the 17th of the same month ^{[25, p. 207]}.

As a result of the events, 27 Tacoma residents were charged with conspiracy, rebellion and violation of the Ku Klux Klan Prohibition Act of 1871. The same law was used to put behind bars the activist of the "Knights of Labor" D. Cronin and 16 other prominent members of the anti-Chinese movement of Seattle ^{[20, p. 383]}. On November 7, Cleveland, by his authority of the President of the United States, in a special proclamation ordered "all rebels, any persons who gathered anywhere in Washington for illegal purposes, to disperse to their homes no later than noon on November 8" ^[6]. The intervention of the head of state once again shows that the problems with visiting Asians and their unauthorized expulsion from the country have reached the White House.

But neither the appearance of the federal army nor the Cleveland proclamation had any effect. Washington Territory was smoldering, ready to explode again at any moment. On January 16, 1886, a rally was held demanding a boycott of those entrepreneurs and owners of sawmills who hire Chinese. In early February, meetings of radicals from South Seattle were held at the Bijou Theater, where the "Committee of Fifteen" gave instructions to check Chinatown for violations of sanitation standards. The Chief of Police was present during these inspections, but the real goal was to expel the Asians. The steamer "Queen of the Pacific" was at the pier and was supposed to leave for San Francisco in the afternoon of February 7. The radicals planned to put the Chinese on it by force ^{[25, p. 208-209]}.

It is not known for certain when the inhabitants of the Celestial Empire first appeared in Seattle, but in 1870, when, according to the results of the census, the city's population was 1107 people, 33 Chinese lived there ^{[22, p. 28]}. By the mid-1880s, about 350 representatives of the Chinese diaspora lived in Seattle. A few weeks before the incident, agitation against Chinese workers intensified in Washington Territory. It was claimed that they are "an evil that works to destroy our Christian civilization," and that "it will take centuries to civilize and Americanize the Chinese and instill in them love and respect or understanding for our institutions; they are totally different from Europeans, and they will never be able to assimilate with our people" ^{[11, p. 1]}. There were calls in the press for the legislature to "do everything possible to protect the American worker from the disastrous competition with the Chinese" ^{[19, p. 1]}. For example, according to the newspaper "Weekly Puget Sound Argus", 339 Chinese people worked at three coal mines near Vancouver (not to be confused with the Canadian city of the same name – V. Ya.) in Clark County, which accounted for 32% of the total number of miners at these enterprises ^{[24, p. 1]}. One restaurant in Seattle specifically stipulated in an ad to the newspaper that "it does not keep Chinese in the state" ^{[18, p. 1]}. So, the issue of competition in the labor market between whites and visiting Asians was quite acute.

According to the memoirs of one of the eyewitnesses, J. Kinner, a few days before the February pogrom, one of the instigators let slip that their goal was "not only to expel the Chinese, but also to burn the city, plunder warehouses and take the goods they liked there, hack banks and take money from there; anyway, it all belongs to us; and who If he tries to interfere, he will follow the Chinese" ^{[9, p. 5]}. On February 5, a correspondent from Tacoma, who was not named in the official report, wrote to Sheriff J. McGraw in Seattle that the radicals were going to "not just clean up Chinatown in your city next week, so get ready for problems... I think they are going to burn or blow up everything there" ^{[12, p. 27]}. Unfortunately, the letter reached the addressee only on the evening of February 8, when it was already too late. In order to counteract the upcoming riots, self-defense and maintain the rule of law, an armed militia of about 80 people was organized in Seattle, ready to use weapons. They were called the "Guardians of the House", the above-mentioned J. was elected captain. Kinnear.

On the evening of February 6, 1886, another anti-Chinese rally gathered in Seattle. Most of the accusations against the Chinese concerned violations of urban sanitary standards, for the "Committee of Fifteen" this served as a pretext to force the inhabitants there to get out of the city ^{[3, p. 466]}. Around 7 a.m. the next day, a crowd began to gather to expel the Chinese. The "guards of the house" were put on alert, the fire bell rang. The governor was in the city, and by about 10 o'clock his proclamation was printed and reproduced with a demand to stop the violence and go home. Agitators began to distribute the proclamation. U. Skjue achieved nothing by this action, the crowd hooted in response and refused to disperse. After that, he gave the command to two armed groups of people who were in the city to report to the county sheriff about the need to maintain the rule of law. The sheriff hastily assembled and armed his deputies.

At about 11 a.m. on February 7, the crowd proceeded with carts to Chinatown to force Asians to collect their belongings. The rioters loaded the Chinese, numbering about 350 people, along with their luggage onto carts and escorted, according to Kinner, "in a herd" ^{[9, p. 6]}, to the port, where a steamer was waiting for them. However, the vessel could not take on board more than 200 passengers. The city was completely in the hands of the crowd, the police, led by Chief Murphy, not only did not oppose what was happening, but also directly promoted lawlessness. In the current situation, the Governor sent three telegrams: one to Fort Towsend to General J. Gibbon, the other two to the capital – to the Minister of the Interior L. Lamar and the Minister of War W. Edicott. The head of the Washington Territory asked to send soldiers to suppress the riots ^{[12, p. 10; 13, p. 34]}. In response to this request, on February 8, the general replied that "no one except the President of the United States can order the army to interfere in civil affairs" ^{[13, p. 35]}.

However, not all Asians had the opportunity to pay for travel, Seattle residents agreed to deposit money for 100 Chinese who themselves could not get on board, although the shipping company specifically agreed to reduce ticket prices to $ 7 ^{[12, p. 11]}. The hitch that happened gave time for the work of the judicial system. Judge R. Green issued an order that the Chinese were being illegally held against their will on board the steamer. And each of them is free to decide for himself whether to stay in the city or leave Seattle, if one of them decides to stay, then these people will enjoy the protection of the law.

Of the 350 people on board the departing steamer, there were 196 passengers who bought tickets, the rest of the Chinese remained in Seattle and, under the protection of sheriff's deputies, passed from the port to their devastated quarter. Around noon on February 7, there was a shootout between the "Guardians of the house", who accompanied the Chinese from the port to Chinatown, and the rioters, as a result, 4 people were injured, one of whom died soon after. After the shooting, the judge suggested that the governor introduce martial law in the city, the head of the territory agreed with the need to take this measure. By the evening, the situation had more or less stabilized. Armed patrols walked the streets, and the city authorities spent the night preparing for future riots, which could begin as early as the next morning. Around midnight, an attempt was made to put the Chinese on a 4 a.m. train to Portland. At the same time, a group of "House Guards" went to the port where the members of the anti-Chinese committee were and arrested them ^{[3, p. 468]}.

Early on the morning of February 8, the Chief Justice of the Washington Territory, R. Green, U.S. Attorney W. White, and Governor W. Skjue telegraphed to the White House to the President about the need to suspend the "Habeas Corpus Act" and impose martial law on the subordinate territory ^{[13, p. 36]}. Without waiting for the approval of the head of state, the governor, by his authority, imposed martial law in Seattle from February 8, 1886, about which he immediately telegraphed to the capital. All saloons were closed until further notice, other establishments were ordered to work until 7 p.m.; all persons seen on the streets without permission from 7 p.m. to 5 a.m. were subject to arrest ^{[12, p. 23]}. Time passed, but the army did not appear on the streets of Seattle, local authorities sent telegrams to various senators, cabinet members, C. Voorhees, a delegate from Washington Territory to Congress. They insisted to President Cleveland on the need for prompt action. Others telegraphed directly to Cleveland to issue the desired order ^{[8, 124]}. The governor demanded that the owner of the White House confirm the introduction of martial law in King County and send 200 soldiers ^{[13, 37]}.

After receiving a telegram from Seattle on February 9, the head of state gave permission to use the army to suppress riots, and the president also ordered all those gathered to go home no later than 6 p.m. on February 10 ^[7]. On the morning of February 10, eight companies of soldiers under the command of Colonel De Bussy entered the city, the rule of law was restored, General Gibbon arrived later. Martial law in Seattle lasted until February 22, and there were no more racially motivated riots in the city. Between February 25 and April 2, six companies returned to the Vancouver barracks, but the governor asked permission from the president to leave two companies in Seattle until the beginning of May ^{[10, p. 28]}. On February 13, 1886, Chinese Consul Ming wrote a letter of thanks to Governor Skjue, in which he expressed gratitude for the actions to protect his compatriots.

The events that took place in Washington Territory were a direct reflection of the mood prevailing in American society at that time. Despite the fact that America was and still is a country of emigrants, in the last third of the XIX century. American society was quite xenophobic, and various racial prejudices were firmly rooted in it. Nativism, which reached its peak in the 1830s and 1850s in the face of the "Party of the Ignorant", has not gone anywhere from the American mentality. The rapid capitalist transformation that the United States experienced during the "Gilded Age", the breakdown of the usual way of life, the increase in the number of visitors who radically differ culturally from the local population – all this caused discontent and the growth of chauvinistic sentiments in society. This is especially evident in the example of Chinese workers. The provisions of anti-Chinese racism were shared both by the masses, which resulted in petitions, relevant journalism, rallies, pogroms and lynchings; and by the political elite, which consistently adopted legislative acts to restrict and ban the entry of Chinese into the country. These restrictions were lifted only in the middle of the twentieth century by the adoption of the Magnuson Law.

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