The "domestication" of cold by the Russian population of Yakutia in the second half of the XIX – first half of the XX centuries.

Suleymanov Aleksandr Albertovich ORCID: 0000-0001-8746-258X PhD in History Senior Researcher, Institute for Humanities Research and Indigenous Studies of the North of Siberian branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences 677027, Russia, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Yakutsk, Petrovsky str., 1, room 403 alexas1306@gmail.com Other publications by this author

Introduction. The rapid advance of the Russian state to the east in the XVII century led to the inclusion of vast areas of Siberia and the Far East into its composition. In 1632, Yakutsk was founded by Russian Cossacks in the middle reaches of the Lena River, which became the administrative center of Yakutia. During the period of the Russian Empire, this region had a different status – from a county to an area within the Irkutsk province. In the 1920s. Yakutia received the status of an autonomous republic and became the largest administrative-territorial unit in the Russian Federation, which it is to this day.

One of the main agents of the interests of the central government were Russian settlers, some voluntarily, and some forcibly resettled on the territory of Yakutia. The organization played an important role in this regard in the XVIII century. The Irkutsk-Yakutsk postal tract, which relatively firmly connected the far outskirts with the center of the country. The maintenance of the highway was carried out by coachmen, a significant part of whom were sent to Yakutia as a set-off for conscription. The population of the created yamshchitsky machine tool villages, which were dispersed along the Lena River, thus made up almost totally Russians. As a result, over time, an original ethnic group of Prilensky Russian old-timers was formed here. Another place of concentration of Russian settlers, in addition to Yakutsk, was the Amginskaya Sloboda, which turned out to be the first oasis of agricultural development in the region ^{[22, p. 229]}. The most famous area of residence of some of the earliest Russian settlers is now the north-east of Yakutia, where in the lower reaches of the republic. Indigirka and Kolyma have preserved a unique ethnic community of Russian Arctic old-timers, uniting the Marchers and Russo-Ustinians ^[24]. In addition, Russian settlers inhabited the western and northwestern regions of Yakutia. However, here they quickly dissolved into the environment of aboriginal ethnic groups ^{[2, l. 2-11; 23, pp. 294-298]}.

In Yakutia, the Russian population, although accustomed to a cold climate, is faced with, obviously, a fundamentally different level of extreme air temperatures in winter, which can reach 50-60 ° C on a regular basis, as well as the need for constant interaction with a complex of cryogenic processes and phenomena associated with domination throughout most of the year snow, ice and permafrost. Moreover, if the first two factors had to be taken into account only in winter, which, nevertheless, lasts 6-8 months a year in the region, then the need to take into account the presence of a continuous cryolithozone in most of the territory of Yakutia is permanent.

The adaptation of the Russian population to such specific natural and geographical conditions, as was established by the author in the course of previous research, was carried out within the framework of three main directions. First of all, there was a fairly intensive adoption of the relevant experience from the indigenous ethnic groups of the Arctic – the Yakuts, Evenks, Evens, Yukaghirs and Chukchi. Another adaptation solution was the improvement of economic practices practiced in the mother regions for settlers to the realities of Yakutia. Finally, the Russian population has already begun to actively develop and implement new techniques on the spot ^{[27, pp. 37-42]}. As a result, the Russian old-timers of Yakutia actually became the bearer of unique economic and socio-cultural practices, including the experience of "domestication" of cold, organic integration of cryogenic processes and phenomena into everyday life.

Such a positive perception of natural low temperatures, the increasing degree of extremity of which leads to an increase in the potential for the practical use of their properties, as well as the properties of their accompanying natural phenomena – snow, ice and "permafrost", i.e. cryogenic resources, has come to historical and anthropological research ^{[11; 30]} from natural science disciplines only In the last decade, this was primarily due to the development of cryosophy by Academician V.P. Melnikov's school. Within the framework of cryosophy, the cryosphere of the Earth is recognized as an active element of the universe, a resource, a source of benefits and opportunities for humanity, and not as a source of threats ^[10].

Based on the materials of Yakutia, the historical and anthropological analysis of various aspects of the exploitation of cryogenic resources was carried out by the author of this article during the implementation of the project supported in 2017. The Russian Scientific Foundation (RNF) of the project "Cold Resources": the importance of low temperatures in the economic and socio-cultural practices of rural communities of Yakutia. Based on it, in 2019, the author and his colleagues launched the project "Anthropology of cold: natural low temperatures in the life support system of rural communities of Yakutia (traditional practices, modern challenges and adaptation strategies)", which also received support from the RNF. In line with the direction of scientific research developed by us – the anthropology of cold – the formation of the traditional culture of the indigenous ethnic groups of the Arctic and Subarctic is considered through the prism of the dominance of natural cold in the region, cryogenic processes and phenomena as fundamental, environmental factors.

Until recently, the focus of researchers' attention was mainly on indigenous peoples living in Yakutia ^{[5; 6; 25; 26; 31 The positions of cryogenic resources in the life support systems of the Russian population of Yakutia that have been formed at the local level have not previously become the subject of special scientific analysis, despite the accumulated to date certain an array of scientific literature on the anthropology of Russian life in Yakutia [4; 22; 24; 27; 29 and others]}.

The purpose of this article is a historical and anthropological reconstruction of the evolution of the experience of the Russian population of Yakutia using cryogenic resources in the period from the middle of the XIX century, when the minimum source material necessary for research was formed, and ending in the middle of the twentieth century. Russian Russian chronological framework is determined, on the one hand, by the mass migration of the Russian population to Yakutia from the more western regions of the Soviet Union, which largely "eroded" the Russian old–age stratum, on the other hand, by the active penetration into life of various technical innovations (cars, tractors, combines, airplanes, etc.), which actually transformed the environment of cryogenic resources and accordingly led to the modernization of previously developed traditional practices. 

Materials and methods. The source base for writing the work was a set of disparate ethnographic information presented both in published research papers and deposited in the archives of the years. Irkutsk, Moscow, Novosibirsk and St. Petersburg. In addition, a number of information was obtained during the author's field research during 2017-2023 in a number of rural settlements of Yakutia belonging to administrative districts that were the actual focus of the formation of "local" Russian culture in the region: ss. Isit and Kytyl-Dura of Khangalassky, Yunkur village of Olekminsky and Amga village of Amginsky districts (ulusov) The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Methodologically, the principles of cryosophy and anthropology of cold discussed above served as the basis for the preparation of the article.

Results and discussion. As noted, one of the channels of adaptation of Russian settlers to the natural and geographical conditions of Yakutia was the adoption of experience from indigenous peoples and, in general, rather close interaction with them. This circumstance is not surprising, taking into account the sheer number of the Russian population. Even according to the 1926 census, not to mention the earlier period, only 30156 Russians or about 10.5% of the total number of inhabitants of the region were recorded in Yakutia ^{[28, pp. 119-120]}. As a result, they, of course, could not help but be influenced by representatives of indigenous peoples – Yakuts, Evenks, Evens, Yukaghirs, Chukchi.

The Prilensky group of Russian old–timers experienced, first of all, the strong influence of their geographical neighbors, the Yakuts. Despite the limitations associated with the need to maintain the Irkutsk-Yakutsk tract, cattle breeding was significantly developed here in the second half of the XIX century. For example, if in 1821 the Russian population of Prilenye owned 93 heads of cattle, then in 1850 – 958 heads, and ten years later – already 1682 ^{[1, l. 57]}. The livestock consisted of a local breed of cattle borrowed from the Yakuts. Yakut cows are characterized by a high degree of adaptation to extremely low air temperatures. Although they are much smaller and lighter than the cattle breeds common in our country and produce less milk, however, the resulting product contains more fat, which is very useful in the conditions of the northern winter. The process of feeding livestock in winter was carried out on clean snow, which, if necessary, was thrown by the owners from other sites, since not all hay was consumed from trampled snow ^{[12, l. 214]}.

In this connection, it should be noted that hotons, a Yakut type of stable built in the form of truncated pyramids, have become widespread in the farms of the Russian population ^{[14, p. 133]}. During its operation, the use of cryogenic resources such as snow and ice has found wide application. Snow fell on the sloping walls of the haughton during the winter and was actually equal to the latter in terms of insulation efficiency. Ice was inserted into window openings (it was used in a similar way in a significant part of Russian huts) ^{[12, l. 207]}. At the same time, some peasants, like the Yakuts, attached hotons to their apartment building, saving heat. However, mostly Russian settlers continued the tradition of building a stable at some distance from residential premises ^{[22, p. 340]}.

Despite the absence of references in the complex of source material identified by the author during the preparation of the article on the exploitation of cryogenic resources by the Russian population in horse breeding, taking into account the fact that the Yakut horse breed was used by the drivers in their professional activities, it seems logical to assume that snow was the source of independent thirst quenching in the process of their grazing in winter, as now ^[17].

The use of cryogenic resources in agriculture has also become widespread. Thus, grain threshing by Russian peasants in Yakutia was carried out towards the end of the winter period on the surface ice of surrounding reservoirs or in the courtyard of a house, which was previously filled with water to create a smooth, clean and even surface ^{[22, p. 314]}.

The Arctic group of Russian old-timers has learned a lot from the indigenous small peoples of the North, especially those living nearby Yukaghirs, Chukchis and Evens. As one of the consequences, the basis of the diet of the Russian population in the estuary of Indigirka and Kolyma were fish dishes. So, according to A.G. Chikachev's calculations, there were more than 30 names of dishes made from fish ^{[29, L. 48]}. At the same time, stroganina was traditionally held in high esteem – finely planed freshly frozen fish, consumed raw in the classical sense, but still exposed to temperature, not thermal, but cryogenic ^{[7, L. 50]}. Maxa was also in demand – boiled and fried burbot liver, which was then frozen and consumed in this form. In addition, there were caviar pancakes, for which frozen caviar was used ^{[29, pp. 48-49]}. I also found a way of preserving fish borrowed from the indigenous ethnic groups of Yakutia – its storage in shallow dug pits. In the report of D.D. Travin, who conducted research as part of the Yakut complex expedition of the USSR Academy of Sciences 1925-1930, in this regard, there is an entry made, probably from the words of one of the respondents interviewed by him: "they ate this fish, despite the "stinking spirit that a Russian person has to endure painfully"" ^{[21, L. 40]}.

Unfortunately, the archival material identified to date, as well as the weak degree of ethnographic elaboration of the everyday practices of the Russian population of Yakutia, and first of all its Prilensky group, do not allow for the same detailed consideration of the dishes they use, in the preparation of which cryogenic effects would be used.

At the same time, it is obvious that the Prilensky group of Russian old-timers in many aspects, including food, despite the adoption of a number of economic practices and linguistic features noted above (the Yakut language, according to data obtained during field research, was closer here, at least for the generation born earlier than the 1930s), it was significantly more closed. The reasons for this are probably related to a circumstance noticed by M.A. Rybakov in the work "The Sovereign's Coachmen on the Lena", which, unfortunately, remains unpublished. This author, like many others who recorded their observations about life in Yakutia at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries in articles, books and stories, ended up in the region by court verdict as a member of the Socialist Revolutionary organization and stayed here from 1906 to 1912. ^{[1, l. 3]} Having served in the Red Army to the brigade commander, he during the period of the "Great Terror" he was subjected to repression and was shot.

During his relatively short stay in Yakutia, M.A. Rybakov managed, however, to work in sufficient detail with documents related to the history of the Russian population of the Yakut tract. Among other things, the researcher made the following observations: "The peasants had marriages with Yakuts, but rarely; the peasants almost did not accept Yakuts as their sons-in-law. The latter was due to the unwillingness to transfer the persecution and divide it between even more souls" ^{[1, l. 69]}. The fact is that the treasury, paying for the coachmen's services, allocated funds to the peasant society for a fixed number of pairs of horses necessary for racing. In turn, the distribution of payments within the machines was carried out according to the number of souls of the cash population of the machine. In this regard, for example, exiles were not involved in the persecution either. Weddings were also tried to be organized between representatives of different machines, trying to keep no one from the outside into their circle ^{[1, l. 25-70]}. 

Probably, among other things, as a result of such ethno-cultural closeness, for example, in the village located on the Lena River. Isit, which used to be one of the Yamshchitsky stations, at least until the 60s of the twentieth century. The mentioned stroganina was not popular. In principle, products based on cryogenic effects had a fairly limited distribution ^[15].

The use of surface ice of reservoirs for drinking, which is quite fully represented in the existing historiography, has become more universal methods of exploiting cryogenic resources by the Russian population of Yakutia ^{[26, pp. 265-270]}, as well as the use of snow for cleaning things made of fur and wool. In particular, felt boots and boots were collapsed in the snow, after which they were removed for summer storage. In addition, fur hats and fur coats were rubbed with snow for similar purposes, which were then shaken out or cleaned with a broom ^{[18; 19]}. Carpets were also cleaned in a similar way, which became widespread, mainly during the Soviet period. These products were placed on the snow pile down and then hammered out with sticks ^{[15; 17; 20]}. 

The practice of using cryogenic resources for food storage in glaciers dug into the permafrost was also widespread (depending on the local tradition, stress can be placed on both the first and second syllable). At the same time, there were certain differences in the features and degree of their exploitation by the Russian population of Yakutia, which were due, among other things, to the natural and geographical specifics of its various regions. For example, the aforementioned D.D. Travin clarified that "at every farm (Russian Arctic old–timers - A.S.), there is a more or less good cellar for storing fish and meat" ^{[21, l. 374]}. This fact was probably connected, among other things, with the fact that fossil ice is widespread in the north of Yakutia, in which it is much faster and less resource-intensive to build cellars than to cut holes in the thickness of the "permafrost", and the winter period, as noted, reaches 8 months a year. Whereas, for example, A.I. Sukhanov, being in Olekminsk, located in the south-west of Yakutia, albeit a little earlier, noted the insufficiency of good cellars, which is why "supplies soon deteriorated" ^{[7, L. 68]}.

An interesting and original example of the variability in the use of cryogenic resources and their correlation with specific natural and geographical features of the area is the case of the Zhura machine (now the village of Kytyl-Dura). Its resident S.M. Yemelyanov in the early twentieth century discovered and began to use for economic purposes a natural phenomenon – cold air flows blown out of the cavities of the northeastern slope of the Negurcha hill nearby Zhura. The craftsman attached a small barn to the slope in such a way that the blown streams entered it. Soon, this low-cost experience was borrowed by other residents of the machine, building barns (locals call them basements) and storing food in them. According to the testimony of interviewed local residents, food can be stored in these barns for at least 5 years without loss of taste. The air temperature in them is such that at the end of the summer period of 2017, when the author visited the hill, the doors of the barns were covered with a crust of ice from the outside ^[16].  

The presence of continuous permafrost in most of the region's territory has also made possible the emergence of a unique branch of economic activity that has become one of the main ones for fishermen in a number of Arctic territories of Yakutia – mammoth bone mining. Due to the preserving function of permafrost soils, the remains of Pleistocene fauna are well preserved here ^{[9, pp. 20-105]}. The local population is still actively using this ^{[8, pp. 240-243]}, and it all began in the middle of the XVIII century with the activities of Russian fishermen on the Lyakhovsky Islands. By the middle of the next century, the turnover of mammoth bone at Yakut fairs reached 1,500 pounds, remaining approximately at this level until the outbreak of the First World War ^{[13, pp. 36-38]}. Mammoth bone was found mainly in cliffs along river banks and coastal scree.

In addition, cold and cryogenic resources have found application in such a more traditional industry for the rest of Russia, but new for Yakutia, as gold mining, which became widespread in the region in the second half of the XIX century. So, at the mines in the Olekminsky district, the main part of the prospectors of which were Russians, the following technology was used: to extract gold from the bottom of the riverbed by layer-by-layer chipping of the surface ice of the reservoir, they achieved its complete freezing in the area of interest to gold miners. Then the soil was warmed up with the help of bonfires and they began to search for the precious metal ^{[3, p. 48]}.   

Finally, cryogenic resources were used in the transportation of harvested wood, which was transported from logging sites to construction sites with the establishment of stable negative air temperatures, the formation of snow cover and the shackling of the surface of reservoirs with ice, or simply, if possible, rolled down the snow from the surrounding hills ^[15]. In this regard, it should be noted that if the construction of traditional winter dwellings of the indigenous peoples of Yakutia required a relatively small amount of low-quality wood, then the construction of traditional huts, in which Russians mainly lived, needed significantly large volumes of valuable roundwood, the transportation of which required more serious efforts. 

Conclusion. Thus, the information revealed in the course of the study and the examples of "domestication" of cold are an illustration of the diversity and flexibility of adaptive practices of the Russian population of Yakutia to specific natural and geographical conditions, thanks to which its representatives were able to settle in and inhabit the Arctic and subarctic expanses. The identified practices of exploitation of cryogenic resources had certain specifics within various groups of Russian settlers, due to the specific natural and geographical features of their areas of residence, as well as the characteristics of interethnic relations. The most important areas of "domestication" of cold by the Russian population of Yakutia were: the use of cryogenic resources in economic activities, the use of cryogenic effects in the storage and preparation of food, as well as solving some sanitary and hygienic issues. The presented material also indicates that the adoption of the experience of using cryogenic resources serves as a vivid example of fruitful interethnic interaction between representatives of various peoples living in Yakutia.

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