DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.33651

Abstract: This research is dedicated to examination of the relationship between the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq and the central government in Baghdad. The article provides a brief overview of the history of acquisition of autonomy by the Kurds as an Iraqi region in the end of the XX century; as well as describes the ongoing contradictions from the perspective of law (the Constitution of Iraq of 2005). The novelty of this research is defined by the use of foreign sources. The theoretical framework for the case under review is the so-called “paradox of federalism”, which suggests the pursuit of the autonomous regions of extensive autonomy. The conclusion is made that on the one hand, the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomous Region does not give up its ambitions to acquire full autonomy; first and foremost, this is reflected in holding the independence referendum on 25 September 2017; the conflict between the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq and Baghdad on the issue of the conclusion of contracts with foreign companies for the production of hydrocarbons, can be regarded as another testimony. However, on the other hand, in conducting an independent policy, Kurdish leadership faces insurmountable resistance from the central government and international community, who refused to recognize the results of the referendum. Baghdad still has the tools for controlling economy of the autonomy.

Keywords: Internal policy, Kurdish Regional Government, Referendum, Constitution, the Kurds, Iraq, the Middle East, Autonomy, Federalism, Central government

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2021.2.33448

Abstract: This article sheds light on the situation related to 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum. Leaning on the primary sources, it is demonstrated that the party officials of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan warned the leadership of the Kurdish Regional Autonomy of Iraq represented by the Kurdistan Democratic Party about the consequences of shortsighted policy. The disputed territories, which are the subject of discussion between the leadership of the Autonomy and Baghdad, were controlled by the troops of the Central Government. The Iraqi leadership has also reduced the funds from the federal budget for supporting the government employees of the Autonomy. It resulted in payment arrears and mass disturbances in the Autonomy. The novelty of this research lies in the fact that this topic has not previously received due attention in the Russian sources. This article is first within the Russian Kurdish Studies to introduce the primary sources in Sorani (Kurdish dialect). It cannot be asserted that these problems have been resolved conclusively; the blame falls on the shortsighted and irrational policy of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or even personally Masoud Barzani, who was removed from his office as result of the referendum. The representatives of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan denounced the detrimental consequences of holding the referendum in the existing conditions.

Keywords: Kirkuk, the US, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, Kurdistan Democratic Party, Independence referendum, political crisis, Kurdistan Regional Government, Iraq, the Kurds, Middle East

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33442

Abstract: This article is dedicated to examination of mass protests that unfolded in Iraq since the second half of 2019 until the beginning of 2020 and involved even northern part of the country (with prevailing Kurdish population). The core demand of protesters in the Arab part of the country consisted in amendment of the existing administrative system (“Muhasasa"), which issued quotas for the representatives of ethnic and religious groups of the country (Shiite and Sunni Arabs, and Kurds). Separate protests were also recorded in the Iraqi Kurdistan. The novelty of this research consists in examination of Iraqi protests at the present state, as well as from the perspective of relations between the central government of Iraq and Kurdish Autonomy. The conclusion is made that the key factor of protests consists in dissatisfaction of population with the quality of rendered services, low effectiveness of government apparatus, and high level of corruption. Although there is no direct correlation between protests in northern and southern parts of the country, the very fact of disturbances among the Kurds testifies to the existence social tension in northern Iraq. Theoretically, neglecting the demands of Arab population may lead to the proliferation of protests across the country.

Keywords: muhasasa, corruption, political crisis, Kurdistan Regional Government, Iraq, unrest, Middle East, minorities, the Kurds, Iran

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.3.21948

Abstract: The subject of the study are social and cultural (ethnic) and confessional (religious) conflicts on the African continent. Particular attention is paid to the study of positive and negative experiences of conflict resolution in the countries with federalism as a form of government structure. The author examines the particular traits of Ethiopian and Nigerian federalism. In this context, the author analyzes various mechanisms for ethnic and religious conflict resolution on the African continent - federalization in particular, as a way for optimizing culturally different population groups. Methodological basis of research is historical materialism and historicism principle. The method of historical reconstruction allowed to justify the conclusion that numerous ethnic and religious conflicts on the continent are caused by the aggravation of economic and social problems, as well as political inequality of various social layers and groups of the African population. The conclusion is that implementing different models of "ethnic federalism" on the African continent did not result in the softening of confrontations between various social and cultural, linguistic and religious communities. On the contrary, the "ethnic" basis of federal subject formation only sharpened the contradictions between the various population groups: conflicts occur either on a horizontal (ethnos vs ethnos) or vertical (ethnos vs center) levels.  

Keywords: confession, population, ethnic segmentation, ethnic conflict, populationethnic federalism, Ethiopia, Africa, comparative federalism, ethnicity, ethnos

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.3.68608

Abstract: The subject of the study are social and cultural (ethnic) and confessional (religious) conflicts on the African continent. Particular attention is paid to the study of positive and negative experiences of conflict resolution in the countries with federalism as a form of government structure. The author examines the particular traits of Ethiopian and Nigerian federalism. In this context, the author analyzes various mechanisms for ethnic and religious conflict resolution on the African continent - federalization in particular, as a way for optimizing culturally different population groups. Methodological basis of research is historical materialism and historicism principle. The method of historical reconstruction allowed to justify the conclusion that numerous ethnic and religious conflicts on the continent are caused by the aggravation of economic and social problems, as well as political inequality of various social layers and groups of the African population. The conclusion is that implementing different models of "ethnic federalism" on the African continent did not result in the softening of confrontations between various social and cultural, linguistic and religious communities. On the contrary, the "ethnic" basis of federal subject formation only sharpened the contradictions between the various population groups: conflicts occur either on a horizontal (ethnos vs ethnos) or vertical (ethnos vs center) levels.  

Keywords: confession, population, ethnic segmentation, ethnic conflict, populationethnic federalism, Ethiopia, Africa, comparative federalism, ethnicity, ethnos