DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.18324

Abstract: By the means of historical reconstruction the author inquires into the causes and the nature of the 1967-1970 civil war in Nigeria, which was one of the bloodiest conflicts on the African continent of the post-colonial period. A comprehensive analysis of historical sources, including media publications, witness recollections, investigations by the press, interviews with prominent politicians and diplomats, allows to shed light on the motives, both obvious and obscure, that drove both sides of this bloody conflict. The author focuses attention on defining the role of the United Kingdom, France, the USA, Soviet Union and certain African countries (such as the Republic of Gabon, and the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire) in igniting the civil war in the republic of Nigeria. The author also makes an accent on the effects of the Françafrique geopolitical doctrine in this conflict. The methodological basis of this work includes the systemic, structural-functional, comparative political approaches, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation.This work points out the firm connection between the events in Nigeria and the genocide of the Igbo people in the Biafra region of Nigeria. The author substantiates a conclusion that the Élysée Palace supported the separatists of Biafra for three years, offering logistical and military support, as well as political and diplomatic patronage to the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra in order to protect the economic and political interests of Paris in this oil-rich region. The author considers that the civil war in Nigeria was a prominent sign of the hidden struggle between France, on one hand, and the Anglo-Saxon side (the USA, the UK). The author also substantiates the conclusion that the aid that Soviet Union offered Nigeria's federal government was intended as a means to spread the influence of communist ideology to the countries of tropical Africa. This research was performed with the financial support of Russian humanitarian science foundation, project ¹ 15-01-00363 "Foreign intervention into third world country affairs during the Cold War period: multi-layered analysis experience".  

Keywords: France, Biafra, Global politics, Global instability, International relations, Diplomacy, Interests, State, Security, Risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68394

Abstract: By the means of historical reconstruction the author inquires into the causes and the nature of the 1967-1970 civil war in Nigeria, which was one of the bloodiest conflicts on the African continent of the post-colonial period. A comprehensive analysis of historical sources, including media publications, witness recollections, investigations by the press, interviews with prominent politicians and diplomats, allows to shed light on the motives, both obvious and obscure, that drove both sides of this bloody conflict. The author focuses attention on defining the role of the United Kingdom, France, the USA, Soviet Union and certain African countries (such as the Republic of Gabon, and the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire) in igniting the civil war in the republic of Nigeria. The author also makes an accent on the effects of the Françafrique geopolitical doctrine in this conflict. The methodological basis of this work includes the systemic, structural-functional, comparative political approaches, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation.This work points out the firm connection between the events in Nigeria and the genocide of the Igbo people in the Biafra region of Nigeria. The author substantiates a conclusion that the Élysée Palace supported the separatists of Biafra for three years, offering logistical and military support, as well as political and diplomatic patronage to the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra in order to protect the economic and political interests of Paris in this oil-rich region. The author considers that the civil war in Nigeria was a prominent sign of the hidden struggle between France, on one hand, and the Anglo-Saxon side (the USA, the UK). The author also substantiates the conclusion that the aid that Soviet Union offered Nigeria's federal government was intended as a means to spread the influence of communist ideology to the countries of tropical Africa. This research was performed with the financial support of Russian humanitarian science foundation, project ¹ 15-01-00363 "Foreign intervention into third world country affairs during the Cold War period: multi-layered analysis experience".  

Keywords: France, Biafra, Global politics, Global instability, International relations, Diplomacy, Interests, State, Security, Risks

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.20972

Abstract: The subject of research is the dynamics of France's African policy in the post-colonial period. The focus of attention is given to consideration of the complex phenomenon of "Françafrique", which is a special system of clientelist relations between the Fifth Republic and its former overseas territories, the military-political mechanism to monitor the implementation of the French neo-colonial policies on the African continent. The author considers the peculiarities of the evolution of the "Françafrique" policy in the periods of government of various leaders of France: Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Jacques d'Estaing, Francois Mitterrand, Jacques Chirac, Sarkozy, F.Hollande. The method of historical reconstruction which is used in this article permits to identify the factors which determined the characteristics of the African policy of the Elysee Palace during the reign of different presidents. The author concludes that the French neo-colonialism, above all, is born of the "energy hunger" of the Fifth Republic, the need to provide the raw materials for the numerous and powerful nuclear power plants, which cover about 75% of the energy needs of the country. France is ready to have a strategic alliance with the USA and other NATO countries because new players appeared the African market of raw materials, especially China.

Keywords: Françafrique, neo-colonialism, Africa, France, conflict, intervention, military expedition, energy shortage, military alliance, NATO

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68395

Abstract: The subject of research is the dynamics of France's African policy in the post-colonial period. The focus of attention is given to consideration of the complex phenomenon of "Françafrique", which is a special system of clientelist relations between the Fifth Republic and its former overseas territories, the military-political mechanism to monitor the implementation of the French neo-colonial policies on the African continent. The author considers the peculiarities of the evolution of the "Françafrique" policy in the periods of government of various leaders of France: Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Jacques d'Estaing, Francois Mitterrand, Jacques Chirac, Sarkozy, F.Hollande. The method of historical reconstruction which is used in this article permits to identify the factors which determined the characteristics of the African policy of the Elysee Palace during the reign of different presidents. The author concludes that the French neo-colonialism, above all, is born of the "energy hunger" of the Fifth Republic, the need to provide the raw materials for the numerous and powerful nuclear power plants, which cover about 75% of the energy needs of the country. France is ready to have a strategic alliance with the USA and other NATO countries because new players appeared the African market of raw materials, especially China.

Keywords: Françafrique, neo-colonialism, Africa, France, conflict, intervention, military expedition, energy shortage, military alliance, NATO

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.20742

Abstract: This article is devoted to the study of the experience of prevention of ethnic conflict and the protection of human and civil rights in the Federal subjects of Russian Federation (by the example of one of the most multinational regions of the country - Krasnodar Krai). This work notes that in Krasnodar Krai there is a high degree of ethnic diversity, as it houses 124 ethnic communities. However, due to the comprehensive approach for the prevention of ethnic conflict employed by the administration of Krasnodar Krai, the risk of interethnic collisions are significantly reduced. This article uses a number of scientific research methods, including statistical, analytical, formal-logical, historical-legal, comparative method. This work provides examples of comprehensive approach to the prevention of interethnic conflicts and civil rights violations on Federal subject level (Krasnodar Krai in particular), which are practical for implementation in other regions of Russian Federation that face unsolved ethnic issues.  

Keywords: conflict, protection, citizens, rights, person, Krasnodar Krai, Russian Federation, population, ethnic, prevention

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68396

Abstract: This article is devoted to the study of the experience of prevention of ethnic conflict and the protection of human and civil rights in the Federal subjects of Russian Federation (by the example of one of the most multinational regions of the country - Krasnodar Krai). This work notes that in Krasnodar Krai there is a high degree of ethnic diversity, as it houses 124 ethnic communities. However, due to the comprehensive approach for the prevention of ethnic conflict employed by the administration of Krasnodar Krai, the risk of interethnic collisions are significantly reduced. This article uses a number of scientific research methods, including statistical, analytical, formal-logical, historical-legal, comparative method. This work provides examples of comprehensive approach to the prevention of interethnic conflicts and civil rights violations on Federal subject level (Krasnodar Krai in particular), which are practical for implementation in other regions of Russian Federation that face unsolved ethnic issues.  

Keywords: conflict, protection, citizens, rights, person, Krasnodar Krai, Russian Federation, population, ethnic, prevention

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.21011

Abstract: The subject of this research is the multitude of dialogue formats of dialogue interactions between the state and the civil society that span across the communication and dialogue area of public policy, from confrontational dialogue all the way towards cooperation, agreement, partnership, constructive discussion. In-between conflict and cooperation, there is a multitude of types (clusters) of dialogue, the understanding of which has high praxiological value. The approach studied in this work plays an important role in communication strategies of interaction between the state and the civil society concerning political conflict resolution. For the methodological basis, the author chose cluster differentiation and the typology of dialogue interaction between the state and the civil society in public politics. The scientific novelty of this approach to the dialogue between society and the state is that the author, for the first time in political science, attempts to view different variants (types, clusters) of their interaction. The dialogue between the state and the civil society is examined from the point of view of differentiation and potential transition between cluster types. This approach allows to manage political interactions, lowering the degree of conflictness and allowing to reach constructive interaction, cooperation and partnership.  

Keywords: dialogue, cluster approach, communication, integration, conflict, deliberation, negotiation, cooperation, civil society, state

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68397

Abstract: The subject of this research is the multitude of dialogue formats of dialogue interactions between the state and the civil society that span across the communication and dialogue area of public policy, from confrontational dialogue all the way towards cooperation, agreement, partnership, constructive discussion. In-between conflict and cooperation, there is a multitude of types (clusters) of dialogue, the understanding of which has high praxiological value. The approach studied in this work plays an important role in communication strategies of interaction between the state and the civil society concerning political conflict resolution. For the methodological basis, the author chose cluster differentiation and the typology of dialogue interaction between the state and the civil society in public politics. The scientific novelty of this approach to the dialogue between society and the state is that the author, for the first time in political science, attempts to view different variants (types, clusters) of their interaction. The dialogue between the state and the civil society is examined from the point of view of differentiation and potential transition between cluster types. This approach allows to manage political interactions, lowering the degree of conflictness and allowing to reach constructive interaction, cooperation and partnership.  

Keywords: dialogue, cluster approach, communication, integration, conflict, deliberation, negotiation, cooperation, civil society, state

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.19372

Abstract: This article deals with the issue of global leadership in the context of universalization and liberalization of institutional structures of developing countries. The authors discover the reasons of economic and political elevation of the USA in XX-th century and evaluate its importance in the context of establishing liberalism as the universal standard for building the state. The focus of the research is to answer the question if developing countries are capable of following a global leader while preserving centuries-old local and national traits that define the function of informal institutes within society. This article relies on a set of research methods that include normative-value, institutional, systemic and other approaches. It reflects concept research of Jean Blondel, Douglass Cecil North, Andrew Heywood. The authors reach the conclusion that the basis of the ontology of leadership is the strategic capability of social systems for self-organization that is exercised by the most management-capable actors, using the authority resources at their disposal. Along with this, the efforts of certain developing countries to reproduce formal institutes that successfully function in the USA may lead into an administrative trap. Attempts to reproduce Western liberal model on post-Soviet space leads to emergence of dissonance between formal and informal institutes. Voluntarist attempts at liberalization of the economy and politics of modern Russia appear as lacking promise and justification.

Keywords: multipolarity, the institutional theory, U.S. politics, civil society, Russian politics, D.North theory, unipolarity, the convergention theory, leadership, authority

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68398

Abstract: This article deals with the issue of global leadership in the context of universalization and liberalization of institutional structures of developing countries. The authors discover the reasons of economic and political elevation of the USA in XX-th century and evaluate its importance in the context of establishing liberalism as the universal standard for building the state. The focus of the research is to answer the question if developing countries are capable of following a global leader while preserving centuries-old local and national traits that define the function of informal institutes within society. This article relies on a set of research methods that include normative-value, institutional, systemic and other approaches. It reflects concept research of Jean Blondel, Douglass Cecil North, Andrew Heywood. The authors reach the conclusion that the basis of the ontology of leadership is the strategic capability of social systems for self-organization that is exercised by the most management-capable actors, using the authority resources at their disposal. Along with this, the efforts of certain developing countries to reproduce formal institutes that successfully function in the USA may lead into an administrative trap. Attempts to reproduce Western liberal model on post-Soviet space leads to emergence of dissonance between formal and informal institutes. Voluntarist attempts at liberalization of the economy and politics of modern Russia appear as lacking promise and justification.

Keywords: multipolarity, the institutional theory, U.S. politics, civil society, Russian politics, D.North theory, unipolarity, the convergention theory, leadership, authority

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.21351

Abstract: This article analyzes the technology of public communications practice known as provocative conflict. Provocative conflict is defined as media-based (media-presented) conflict that aims to provoke the opposing faction into actions that are against its best interests. The author condenses the specific targets of the conflict - radical change of recieved social norms, or the formation of new social practices, reputation harm to the opponent to win an advantageous position, and the formation of a publicity capital. Characteristics of this technology include media focus and provocative nature of the conflict. It is shown that media orientation of this conflict may considerably transform its flow, the mechanisms of its functioning and the outcomes of conflict interaction. The author studied and analyzed the three cases of provocative conflicts in the USA and Russia. The first conflict ("The Torch of Freedom") may be classified as commercial PR, the second one ("Punk prayer" by Pussy Riot) represents a case of political PR, while the third one ("Plagiarism conflict") maybe classified as show business PR (personal PR). The methodology of the study includes: -the activity approach which views PR as professional practices, aimed at establishing interaction between social subjects, as well as a method for controlling them. -the communicative approach which defines the mechanism of public communication practice functioning, subservient to the mechanism of mass media functioning and permitting to view this sort of conflict as a mass communication phenomenon. -a positive approach to conflict, which views conflict interaction not only as acceptable from the PR practices point of view, but also as one of an integral professional technology. The author reaches the conclusions that provocative conflict as a part of PR practice represents a neutral social communication technology. Conditions for its development and media integration are also outlined. In order to understand the mechanisms of provocative conflict development the author examines the model of contrast-assimilation illusion of perception, which explains the polarized opinions and the escalation of conflict. The author shows that, within the provocative conflict, mass-media starts to play the role of the third side of the conflict, its interests not always aligning with the conflicting parties.    

Keywords: Punk-prayer, Torch of Freedom, communication technology, publicity capital, contrast-assimilation illusion, mass-media, media integration, reputation, public relations, provocative conflict

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68399

Abstract: This article analyzes the technology of public communications practice known as provocative conflict. Provocative conflict is defined as media-based (media-presented) conflict that aims to provoke the opposing faction into actions that are against its best interests. The author condenses the specific targets of the conflict - radical change of recieved social norms, or the formation of new social practices, reputation harm to the opponent to win an advantageous position, and the formation of a publicity capital. Characteristics of this technology include media focus and provocative nature of the conflict. It is shown that media orientation of this conflict may considerably transform its flow, the mechanisms of its functioning and the outcomes of conflict interaction. The author studied and analyzed the three cases of provocative conflicts in the USA and Russia. The first conflict ("The Torch of Freedom") may be classified as commercial PR, the second one ("Punk prayer" by Pussy Riot) represents a case of political PR, while the third one ("Plagiarism conflict") maybe classified as show business PR (personal PR). The methodology of the study includes: -the activity approach which views PR as professional practices, aimed at establishing interaction between social subjects, as well as a method for controlling them. -the communicative approach which defines the mechanism of public communication practice functioning, subservient to the mechanism of mass media functioning and permitting to view this sort of conflict as a mass communication phenomenon. -a positive approach to conflict, which views conflict interaction not only as acceptable from the PR practices point of view, but also as one of an integral professional technology. The author reaches the conclusions that provocative conflict as a part of PR practice represents a neutral social communication technology. Conditions for its development and media integration are also outlined. In order to understand the mechanisms of provocative conflict development the author examines the model of contrast-assimilation illusion of perception, which explains the polarized opinions and the escalation of conflict. The author shows that, within the provocative conflict, mass-media starts to play the role of the third side of the conflict, its interests not always aligning with the conflicting parties.    

Keywords: Punk-prayer, Torch of Freedom, communication technology, publicity capital, contrast-assimilation illusion, mass-media, media integration, reputation, public relations, provocative conflict

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.21377

Abstract: This article raises the issue of interpersonal gender conflict between working men and women. The author voices their understanding that one of the main sources of this conflict is gender stereotyping and gender segregation on the labour market. This work offers an overview of modern research that confirms the relevance of the issue at hand. Basing on literary analysis the author shows the negative effects of gender stereotypes on professional self-realization of both men and women, especially those employed in a non-polytypical professional area. The author uses theoretical methods of research - analysis and systematization of data presented in scientific literature on the topic. The determining role of gender segregation and gender stereotyping in professional areas is shown from the viewpoint of working men and women forming an interpersonal gender conflict. Thus, it is shown that gender stereotypes on professional areas clash with individual gender traits of a person. The author provides several recommendations for correcting gender role conflicts.

Keywords: feminity, role expectations, polytypical professional area, gender-role differentiation, masculinity, gender stereotypes, gender discrimination, gender segregation, interpersinal gender conflict, gender self-evaluation

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0617.2016.2.68400

Abstract: This article raises the issue of interpersonal gender conflict between working men and women. The author voices their understanding that one of the main sources of this conflict is gender stereotyping and gender segregation on the labour market. This work offers an overview of modern research that confirms the relevance of the issue at hand. Basing on literary analysis the author shows the negative effects of gender stereotypes on professional self-realization of both men and women, especially those employed in a non-polytypical professional area. The author uses theoretical methods of research - analysis and systematization of data presented in scientific literature on the topic. The determining role of gender segregation and gender stereotyping in professional areas is shown from the viewpoint of working men and women forming an interpersonal gender conflict. Thus, it is shown that gender stereotypes on professional areas clash with individual gender traits of a person. The author provides several recommendations for correcting gender role conflicts.

Keywords: feminity, role expectations, polytypical professional area, gender-role differentiation, masculinity, gender stereotypes, gender discrimination, gender segregation, interpersinal gender conflict, gender self-evaluation