Abstract: The subject of the study is the study of the history of Arseniev-Komelsky parish in 1920-1930. The object of the study is the situation of the rural parish of the Russian Orthodox Church in the first decades of the existence of the Soviet state. Special attention is paid to the specifics of the creation of the parish, the manifestation of the main directions of the state's policy towards religion and the church on the example of the history of the parish, the reasons and the process of its closure. The choice of the subject of the study is largely connected with an attempt to reveal the subsequent fate of the Arseniev Komel Monastery of the Gryazovets district of the Vologda province, which was closed in 1920. The source base of the research consists of legal acts of the Soviet state, archival documents (the State Archive of the Vologda Region, the Vologda Regional Archive of Modern Political History, the Archive of the Federal Security Service of Russia for the Vologda Region, the Vologda Diocesan Ancient Repository) materials of the periodical press. The novelty of the research lies in the study of a parish not mentioned in the literature; in the introduction of new historical sources (archival materials) and historical facts into scientific circulation. The main results of the authors' research are: the conclusion about the connection between the opening of the Arseniev-Komelsky parish and the closure of the Arseniev Komelsky monastery; the identification of the peculiarities of the anti-church and anti-religious policy of the state in 1920-1930 in relation to the rural parish (its tightening in the conditions of collectivization and dispossession), the combination of state policy and the interests of local authorities among the reasons for the closure of the parish. The article outlines for the first time the fate of the priest and some of the inhabitants of the closed monastery. It is shown that, despite the anti-church policy of the state, the religious consciousness of the peasantry (at least part of it) preserved.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38944

Abstract: The purpose of the article is to analyze the foreign policy actions of the Soviet state in China both from the official diplomatic course of the NKID and from the Comintern. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author, based on published sources and new archival materials of the Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History, examines little-studied issues in Russian historiography, such as the role of the Comintern in the Soviet-Chinese negotiations of 1918-1924, the clash of the geopolitical goals of the NKID and the ideological tasks of the Comintern on the example of the status of Outer Mongolia and thus produces a deep analysis of the policy of the Soviet state in China against the background of internal contradictions existing there between the main political forces – the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang – the party of the national bourgeoisie. Comparing the propaganda measures and diplomatic steps of the USSR in China, the author comes to the conclusion that the Soviet foreign policy was of a dual nature: on the one hand, the Soviet state promoted the line of the Comintern aimed at creating a "base of socialism" in China, and on the other hand, it defended its own geopolitical interests in the Asian region, which consisted in solving common foreign policy tasks to preserve the former "imperialist" treaties with China.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.39028

Abstract: The article discusses the headdress found during the study of the tower-shaped crypt of the village of Korotakh in the historical-geographical region of Malkhist (Itum-Kalinsky district of the Chechen Republic) and stored since 2016 among the exhibits of the National Museum of the Chechen Republic. The subject was introduced into scientific circulation in 1977 by R. A. Dautova and was repeatedly mentioned in scientific publications later. The fabric from which the cap is sewn was made in Italian weaving centers, and, according to radiocarbon dating, was made between 1430–1480. A certain discussion in the circles of researchers was caused by the origin of the dress and the circumstances under which it ended up at the disposal of the buried. The most plausible was the version of the capture of Italian fabric with Christian symbols as a trophy, followed by a deliberate partial trimming of the halo of Christ and the figures of the archangels. The author of the article for the first time provides a translation of the surviving part and a restored version of the text-embroidery on the headdress, which was identified by an associate professor of Ilia state university Temo Dzhodzhua as an old Georgian text composed in the Asomtavruli script. In the light of these data, the author examines the epigraphic monuments of the Argun Gorge and historical information reflecting close Chechen-Georgian cultural and religious contacts, which, in combination with the translation of the inscription on the headdress and the place of its discovery (on the border with Georgia), rejects, in the opinion of the author of the article, the version about the trophy origin of the headdress, and at the same time, perhaps, the opinion about the deliberate deformation of part of the Christian symbolism when sewing the cap. It is assumed that we can talk about technical reasons or not so reverent attitude of the local population to Christian symbols after the destructive campaigns of Timur.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38868

Abstract: The object of the study is the institute of police officers, introduced in the Russian Empire in the last quarter of the XIX century. The subject of the study is the district land plots created in the framework of the reform in the Kazan and Perm provinces. The purpose of the study is to analyze their quantitative characteristics. The theory of modernization is chosen as a general methodology. To achieve this goal, quantitative methods are used, first of all: formal quantitative, correlation and multidimensional (cluster) data analysis. The basis for the quantitative analysis was the "Information" on the distribution of provinces into the district plots (1878), deposited in the Russian State Historical Archive. The main conclusions of the study are the idea that the situation of the police constables of the Perm province was much worse than in Kazan, and the work of the constables was hindered by a significant number of the population of 1/3 of the police stations. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time in Russian historiography, correlation and multidimensional cluster analysis by the k-means method was used to analyze the uryadnik sites of the Russian Empire. As a result, for the first time, the classification of district plots was created. 1) sparsely populated; 2) Kazan-type; 3) scattered; 4) overpopulated; 5) too large; 6) scattered and overpopulated district plots were identified.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38699

Abstract: The subject of the research is historical sources, oral Kazakh genealogies (shezhire) of the Kazakh-Nogai heroic and lyrical epic, as well as the results of Y-DNA research. The object of research is the Kazakh genus Zhagalbayly. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the entry of the Zhagalbayly clan into the composition of the main peoples who stood out from the imperial super ethnos of the Golden Horde. The data on the places of settlement of Zhagalbayly in various historical periods in the post-Ordyn space are given. Various versions of such works as "Kyz Zhibek", "Kobylandy Batyr" and "Er Sayyn" in Kazakh, Nogai and Kyrgyz languages have been studied as folklore sources. The reasons and time of the emergence of the Kazakh tribal association Zhetiru, which included the genus zhagalbayly, are considered. The main conclusions of the study are to establish the availability of information about the early settlement of the ancestors of modern Kazakh Zhagalbayly clan on a vast territory from the Crimea to Afghanistan. This fact is confirmed by the presence of Zhagalbaila in the list of clans of the Crimean Khanate, Nogai Hordes, the Timurid Empire and the Kazakh Khanate. As a result of the analysis of the data of the oral Kazakh genealogy (shezhire) and the Kazakh-Nogai heroic and lyrical epic, for the purpose of their historical synthesis, the character Karabukan is established. He is represented as a batyr and a soothsayer of the Kiyat tribe troops. It is proposed to consider him as a possible legendary ancestor of the Kazakh Zhagalbayly. The results of studies of Y-chromosome polymorphism of representatives of various divisions of the Kazakh zhagalbayly are presented. When comparing the seven results of the Y-DNA12 samples, the probability that the number of generations before their common ancestor is equal to 24 generations is 91.41%. When comparing the three results for Y-DNA 67, it is equal to 99.61%. This information is consistent with shezhire, in which the distance to the common ancestor is 22-24 generations.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38906

Abstract: The city of Terki was founded in 1588 at the mouth of the Terek River, near the Caspian Sea. Most of its inhabitants were military-service people, who were in army service and received a royal salary. The article examines the number, composition, military service and trades of the military-service people of the city of Terki in comparison with other Russian cities. This allows to identify both the common features and peculiarities of the position of military people. The chronological framework of the research is 1620-1640, when there were no major military conflicts in the North Caucasus, but the town of Terki was gradually increasing its influence on the peoples of the region. One of the important tasks of the research is to study the participation of the military-service people in these processes. The article is based on archival documents, some of which are first introduced into scientific circulation. As a result of the study some peculiarities of the social structure of the city of Terki are revealed. Military-service people constituted the majority of the city inhabitants, and there were few other populations. Another feature was the presence among the warriors of representatives of the peoples of the North Caucasus - the Okochan, Kabardian princes and uzdens, and "Novokreschens". They served alongside streltsys, Cossacks and "deti boyarskie". The duties of the military-service people were not limited to military campaigns. They played a major role in ensuring diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, and in the political relations of the peoples of the region. Such features are explained in many respects by the geographical location of the town of Terki. It also influenced the trades of Terek military-service people - the development of fishing or participation in trade with foreign countries.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38976

Abstract: The proposed article analyzes the position of the French political elite on the issue of the possible withdrawal of Great Britain from the European Union (Brexit), which was discussed by Europeans even before the British national referendum on June 23, 2016. The authors use historical sources that were not introduced into scientific circulation earlier – transcripts of meetings of the French Senate and analytical reports prepared on behalf of Senate committees. This set of sources allowed us to study not only the discussions of parliamentarians, but also to see how French senators treated the possible withdrawal of Great Britain from the European Union. The chronological framework of the study is 2015 and the first half of 2016. The article examines the following subjects: the history of Britain's membership in the EU, the events preceding the British Brexit referendum, the materials of the French Senate related to Brexit are examined, the process of negotiations between Europeans and the Cameron government is analyzed. The conducted research showed that French senators as part of the political elite of the Fifth Republic in 2015 - the first half of 2016, that is, before the British referendum, could not recognize the danger and, in fact, did not consider the possibility of a Eurosceptic referendum scenario, that is, the victory of supporters of the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, which happened in June 2016.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38736

Abstract: In the pre-war period, an active industrial and, as a consequence, demographic growth began in Western Siberia, which continued during the Great Patriotic War. In the same years, there was a steady trend of the social sphere lagging behind the growth of industry, one of the aspects of which was the shortage of qualified personnel in healthcare, the study of the causes and ways of filling which in the post-war fifteenth anniversary is the subject of this article. Solving the problem of personnel shortage, the state used extensive and intensive tools, combining them with each other. If in the first post-war years the emphasis was placed on the quantitative increase in the physical number of medical personnel, then in the late 1940s – early 1950s, the state, within the framework of the undertaken administrative reform, made an attempt to fundamentally change approaches to the organization of work of physicians, changing the order of medical care to the population due to a more optimal use of existing resources. The results of the study led to the conclusion that the flexible innovative policy of the state to solve the personnel problem has significantly mitigated, although not completely eliminated, the shortage of personnel in urban medical institutions in Western Siberia. Unfortunately, the problem of personnel shortage in healthcare in its regional context during the specified time period did not find special coverage in the scientific literature, so the basis for the study was a layer of published and unpublished static data analyzed using general scientific and private scientific methods. Despite the fact that in the early 1970s it was decided to abandon the new model of urban healthcare, the historical experience accumulated during that period is of interest and has not lost its relevance in modern conditions of "optimization" of healthcare.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38759

Abstract: The actual research is dedicated to the problem of transformation of the local elites in the rank structure and administrative system in the Late Classic Maya kingdoms of the Western region. The Maya early states of the segmentary type were formed in the Usumacinta Basin in the period between 400–500 AD and existed until the beginning of the 9th cent. By the 6th cent. the headship of the regions within such kingdoms was in the hands of local rulers with a wide range of powers, related to the royal dynasties and betraying their power by inheritance within the lineage, at the origins of which could stand the military leaders — yajawte. In the 7th cent. the privileges of local lords are significantly expanded, in particular, they add to their titulature the traditional royal titles and tend to be more independent, which leads to a series of military conflicts with kings. In the middle of 7th cent. kings transferred the rulership authority over the regions to the sajals, formerly ordinary local administrators, who were now endowed with significant powers of regional governors. The rank of sajal was not uniform, they could receive high ranking positions in royal court and form a new elite or sajals make up the local nobility transferring administrative powers in their own lineages. Thus, a unified centralized system of administrative rulership was formed in the Western Maya kingdoms at the beginning of the 8th cent.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38749

Abstract: Unified assessments of the past for mass political movements representing the extreme flanks of the political spectrum have become an integral part of party identity in modern society. The activity of political parties can have a significant impact on the memory of society, change collective memories of individual events and even entire historical periods. The author of the article analyzes the attitude of modern Russian communists to the key events of history, identifies the features of their party historical policy, compares approaches with other political parties and narratives of the Soviet era. The main sources were official documents of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the party "Communists of Russia", as well as speeches, interviews and publications of their leaders. The Communist parties turn mainly to the history of Russia, starting with the revolutionary events of 1917. Although Communists actively use formulations from Soviet narratives, their own attitude has been formed to a number of events and processes. The most important differences are related to the assessment of the February Revolution and its results, the perception of the policy of I. V. Stalin. Many historical events (de-Stalinization, the collapse of the USSR) of the party are explained by the presence of international conspiracies, not internal processes. The "Communists of Russia" and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation use their ideas about the past in different ways: the former actively propagandize them during election campaigns and build their election programs on them, the latter weakly use historical politics during electoral battles, making the programs as neutral as possible, but during the inter-election period they actively promote their vision of the past.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38919

Abstract: In this article, the object of research is the ESMA memorial Museum, organized in the former underground detention center, one of many belonging to the period of the "last" dictatorship in Argentina (1975-1983). The subject of study, in turn, were the properties of ESMA that evoke a response in the historical consciousness of society. As a theoretical basis, the article uses the concept of "hot" memory, proposed by the German researcher J. Assman. To answer the question of what makes the ESMA museum a place of "hot" memory, the author turns to the context of the transformation of ESMA into a museum space, analyzes its content, as well as the status of the object of memory policy. In addition to studying the basic techniques of working with memory used in ESMA, the author also examines the current assessments given by a number of other authors regarding the official policy of memory reflected in the activities of the museum. The observed tension in the context of the clash of different memory policies and approaches to its preservation allows the author to conclude that the ESMA museum remains a place of "hot" memory. Being a space of "experience" that focuses on evoking an emotional response from visitors, ESMA not only allows Argentines to reflect on their own past, but also reminds new generations of the value of human life and inalienable human rights.

DOI: 10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38704

Abstract: The problem of Anglo-Russian relations in the first months after the October revolution (and the question of the British perception of the Soviet government’s policy as one of its aspects) has been more than once studied by both Russian and foreign historians. However, it still deserves attention both because in the majority of works the period indicated was considered within a longer time span of the Allied intervention, being shadowed by the latter, and due to disagreements among scholars over which factors were fundamental in determining the British attitude towards Soviet Russia. The fact that the revolution in Russia broke out during the World War to a large extent determined London’s perception of the Soviet government’s policy, which was considered primarily from the point of view of its actual and potential influence on the course of the military confrontation with the Central Powers. Although British policy towards Soviet Russia lacked unanimity and consistency, some general trends can be discerned. In spite of the armistice and then the peace treaty between Russia and the Central Powers, until the summer of 1918 Britain did not deny the possibility of military and economic cooperation with Soviet Russia on the anti-German basis. The growing perception of the Bolsheviks weakness in summer 1918, the apprehension of the prospect of their complete subordination to the German influence or a pro-German coup in Russia, along with other factors, determined a clear anti-Soviet turn in the British policy.