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Reference:

Typology of social protests in the subjects of the Russian Federation in 2019

Ivanov Oleg

Director, Center of Social Conflicts Regulation

129063, Russia, Moscow, Prospekt Mira 72, office #1207

sovetmomo@mail.ru
Other publications by this author
 

 

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0684.2022.1.32019

Received:

22-01-2020


Published:

03-04-2022


Abstract: The subject of this article is the dynamics of protest activity of citizens in the regions of Russia following the results of the I-III quarters of 2019, the typology of protests, their causes and prospects, forms and mass character, as well as the impact of such protests on the formation of public demand and the policy of the federal authorities in 2020. There are such categories of protests as political, social, environmental and urban planning, as well as labor protest. The most typical examples of protests in each category are given. The research methodology is based on a qualitative and quantitative analysis of sources, primarily publications in federal and regional mass media. The main conclusions of the article are the constructive reaction of the federal authorities to the public request expressed in the civil protests of 2019, while previously such requests usually remained unanswered. In particular, the President stated the need for fundamental changes to the Constitution of the country, primarily related to the system and procedure for the formation of state authorities.


Keywords:

protests, demonstration, strike, civil society, social conflicts, power, ecology, urban planning, the sphere of work, reaction

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

In 2019, there was a record increase in protest activity in Russia. Thus, according to the Center for Social and Labor Rights, based on media publications, 1,444 actions were held in the country over the three quarters of last year: 429 - in the first [1, p.1], 434 – in the second [2, p.1] and 581 – in the third [3, p.1]. The latter indicator is exceptionally high for our country. Protest actions can be divided into the following categories:

- political protest (445, by quarters: 108 – 130 – 207 );

- social protest (354, by quarters: 157 – 90 – 107 );

- environmental and urban planning protest (332, by quarter: 73 – 110 – 149 );

- labor protest (179, by quarters: 50 – 55 – 74 );

- other forms of protest (134, by quarter: 41 – 49 – 44 ) .

The surge in protest activity occurred in the third quarter of last year (581 against 434, an increase of more than 25%).

The most massive protests in 2019 are related to the new border between Chechnya and Ingushetia, the closure of a number of hospitals and polyclinics and the dismissal of doctors, the construction of a landfill in Shies and a temple in Yekaterinburg, the case of Ivan Golunov, the non-admission of opposition candidates to the elections to the Moscow City Duma, as well as criminal prosecution against protesters.

The most common forms of protest in Russia are pickets (49.6%) and rallies (29.5%).

The political protest as a whole was represented by concrete cases.

In the first quarter, the events in memory of politician Boris Nemtsov, lawyer Stanislav Markelov and journalist Anastasia Baburova, which have already become traditional, took place. Campaigns in support of political prisoners continued, mainly in the so-called "Network" case, in which some left-wing activists are involved.

The most massive protests were the March rallies against the new border between Chechnya and Ingushetia in Magas, which, according to various estimates, gathered from 2 thousand (at night) to 30 thousand (during the day) people [4].

In the second quarter, more than half of all actions in the political segment were held in support of journalist Ivan Golunov, as well as against police brutality [5].

In addition, a mass action took place in Moscow: 500 people opposed the persecution of the defendants in the case of the "Network", "New Greatness" and other political prisoners.

In the third quarter, the number of political protests increased even more, due to discontent over the non–admission of a number of opposition candidates to the elections, and after the elections - about the persecution of protesters in Moscow.

The first mass action took place on July 20 in Moscow on Sakharov Avenue [6]. In August, the geography of support for the Moscow protests began to expand. There were also mass pickets, but they are much smaller. Pickets with a noticeable number — from 70 to 200 people — were held, for example, on August 10 in Penza, Samara and Izhevsk as part of the All-Russian campaign of solidarity with the Moscow protests over the non-admission of independent candidates to the elections, the dispersal of peaceful protests. A rally of many thousands was held in Moscow on this day (20 thousand – according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 50 thousand – according to the White Counter movement) [7].

In general, at least 125 protests related to the Single Voting Day on September 8 took place in the third quarter: these are the actions "For Fair Elections!", "Allow!", and actions of solidarity with the Moscow protests, and protests against various electoral violations at the regional and local levels.

In the segment of political protest, it should also be noted the mass actions that took place in September in the capital of Buryatia, Ulan-Ude. The reason was the persecution by the authorities of shaman Alexander Gabyshev, who was going to Moscow to "expel Putin." The rally in Ulan-Ude on September 15, the agenda of which was the resignation of the head of the republic, gathered, according to various estimates, from 1000 to 2500 participants [8], and became the most massive in the republic in recent years.

The largest number of protests in the social segment was noted in the first quarter, which is associated with an increase in tariffs for the export of MSW and inertial discontent of citizens with pension reform. In addition, this group has traditionally included protests against the increase in tariffs for utilities and transport services, the closure and reduction of enterprises, actions against the reduction of benefits and the reorganization of social institutions, as well as the performances of defrauded shareholders.

The most active social protest in the first quarter was in the Arkhangelsk, Volgograd, Novgorod, Sverdlovsk, Samara, Tyumen and Chelyabinsk regions, as well as in Moscow, Krasnodar Krai, the Republics of Dagestan and Komi.

In the Altai Territory, residents of the city of Rubtsovsk protested due to the simultaneous closure of a bakery, a meat processing plant, several transport companies and a water utility [9]. The protest against the cuts at enterprises and the closure of production was also the central item on the agenda of the March actions in the Samara region: at a rally in Novokuibyshevsk and two rallies in Togliatti.

Protests against the reorganization of healthcare institutions were held in Moscow, Vladimir, Kemerovo, Kirov, Novgorod, Saratov, Yaroslavl Regions, Krasnoyarsk Krai, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug and in the Republics of Dagestan and Komi [1; 10]. It seems that this protest significantly influenced the President's decision to significantly reform the primary health care system, which he announced in his Message to the Federal Assembly on January 15, 2020.

The protest is connected with the unwillingness of citizens to put up with the closure of hospitals and polyclinics (including children's), as well as with the unwillingness of medical workers themselves to lose their jobs, having fallen under the reduction. One of the most notable was the action in Anzhero-Sudzhensk (Kemerovo region), which, to a large extent, with its statement (nurses "defamed Kuzbass for the whole world") brought to the federal agenda by the governor Sergey Tsivilev [11].

The trade unions continued to insist on the revision of the pension reform. The appeal of the FNPR General Council to the Russian Government with a request to preserve the old retirement conditions for residents of the Far North was supported by 100 thousand people.

In the II and III quarters, there were no particularly resonant protest actions in the social segment, with the exception of a rally in Kirov against the lack of places in kindergartens and schools, which was attended by about 500 people [12].

It seems advisable to combine environmental and urban planning protest into one group, since they are associated with citizens' dissatisfaction with environmental changes at their place of residence.

In the first quarter, the protest against the opening of new landfills in the regions was the main topic of discontent. Also, traditionally, many actions were held in Russian cities against spot development, destruction of green areas and changes in the urban environment.

Environmental actions of the "garbage protest" within the framework of the All-Russian action "#Russianpomoyka" were held in Arkhangelsk, Pskov, Moscow, Ivanovo, Vladimir, Kaluga, Vologda, Rostov, Sverdlovsk, Samara, Tyumen regions, the Republic of Mari El, in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District and Moscow [13].

In the second quarter, the problems of garbage disposal and waste management provoked at least 42 protests, both mass, many thousands, and gathering from 50 to 300 people. The struggle against the construction of a landfill in the village of Shies in the Arkhangelsk region continues to be the main theme of environmental protest and one of the main protest plots [14].

There were not much fewer town-planning protest actions in the second quarter than environmental ones, but there were fewer mass protests. The most striking protest in this area began in May in Yekaterinburg. The authorities gave permission for the construction of an Orthodox church in the square near the drama theater. Citizens appealed to the mayor and the governor, but were not heard. From May 13 to May 18, spontaneous protests took place in the city with the participation of thousands of citizens [15]. Yekaterinburg residents were supported by pickets of activists in Moscow, Makhachkala, Vladivostok. As a result, the mayor's office revised its decision.

Both the environmental protest and the urban planning protest demonstrate tendencies towards politicization. Political groups such as the Left Front, the Indefinite Picket, the Yabloko Party and others are increasingly participating in the actions. The participation of political activists in eco- and urban protests attract increased attention to them.

In the third quarter, the topic of garbage becomes one of the leading social topics along with protests against the sealing of buildings and the destruction of green areas in cities. Of the 149 actions of environmental and urban protest, 37 were dedicated to the protection of Shies, a protest against the construction of a landfill near this station in the Arkhangelsk region. Only 16 actions took place in the Arkhangelsk region itself. Rallies in support of the defenders of Shies were held in St. Petersburg, in the Komi Republic (Syktyvkar and Ukhta), in Belgorod, Bryansk, Vologda, Moscow, Murmansk, Ryazan, Tyumen. In Moscow and St. Petersburg, such actions were held repeatedly and gathered from 100 to 1000 people. In the Arkhangelsk region, quite massive actions were also noted, which gathered from 500 to 10,000 participants.

Construction workers, miners, truckers, health workers most often took part in labor protest actions in 2019, labor protests in trade, entrepreneurship and municipal utilities were constantly repeated.

In the first quarter, truckers went on strike: in the Krasnodar Territory – because of unfair competition and low tariffs for transportation [16], as part of the All-Russian strike of carriers in March – against the Platon system, higher fuel prices, and the introduction of a register of cargo carriers [17].

Taxi drivers also protested – in Arkhangelsk, Moscow, Rostov-on-Don and Ulan-Ude. In the urban passenger transport sector, mainly taxi drivers and private carriers are protesting. Taxi drivers do not want to pay high deductions "Yandex.Taxi" and other operators are dissatisfied with inflated revenue rates.

In the second quarter , four protest campaigns of employees can be distinguished:

- the struggle of doctors to increase salaries and reduce workload [10];

- Nestle employees' struggle against cuts [18];

- the struggle of employees of the Ford plant in Vsevolozhsk, Leningrad region for the best conditions for layoffs due to the closure of the plant [19].

In the third quarter, the distribution of labor protests by sector was not at all typical: the largest number of actions related to the healthcare sector – more than in all sectors of material production combined [3]. As a result: the protests of medical workers were heard at the highest level of government.

The most noticeable and discussed in the press was such a form of labor protest as the "Italian" strike, which consists in strict observance of work duties and refusal to overwork. Such strikes were noted in the Novgorod Region, Penza, Mozhaisk, Orel, Tolyatti, Perm Krai (in Perm and Gubakha district center), Petrozavodsk (Republic of Karelia) [20]. The main reason is the excessive workload of ambulance personnel.

In addition, it should be highlighted:

- crane workers' strike in Kazan [21];

- pickets of employees of Lukoil gas stations in Astrakhan [22];

- pickets of employees of Nestle enterprises [18];

- strike of workers of the Dalnegorsk chemical plant "BOR" in Primorsky Krai [23];

- in Tambov, Elista (Kalmykia) and Vladikavkaz (North Ossetia), entrepreneurs went to protest rallies against the introduction of online cash registers [24].

Summing up, it should be noted that mass actions in two main protest groups – political and social – have maximally aggravated the public demand for social justice.

First of all, in 2019, the society made it clear that the healthcare reform has completely failed, and urgent adjustments need to be made in this part.

Secondly, resonant political protests (the Golunov case, the Moscow case, and some others), in addition to the traditional "waving of checkers" by the non-systemic opposition, caused some discontent among the loyal population. It became obvious that the administrative resource is not used in a veiled way in the election campaign, and the security forces are clearly "overreacting."

However, if earlier there was practically no response from the authorities to the current public request, this time such a reaction followed already at the beginning of the new 2020, and at the very top level.

Personnel changes in the government of the country and the fundamental tasks stated by the President in his Address to the Federal Assembly [25] allow us to hope for a decrease in protest activity in 2020. It seems that this year protests in the field of ecology and urban planning will come out on top, where there are still many unresolved problems.

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