DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2023.1.39781

EDN: GIJKDJ

Abstract: In recent years, China's scientific and technological power has risen rapidly, threatening the United States' supremacy in this field. In order to contain the continuous development of China's scientific and technological strength, the US government has adopted a series of policies and measures since the Trump administration. At present, the technological confrontation between China and the United States is becoming increasingly fierce. In order to better understand this technological confrontation, this paper will use methods of analysis, information synthesis, comparison, induction, and deduction to analyze the causes of Sino-US science and technology confrontation, list the specific measures taken by the United States, study the comparative advantages of the United States and China in this confrontation, and finally analyze the global impacts of the Sino-US technological confrontation. With the rise and development of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, scientific and technological competition is gradually becoming the front and core of Sino-US strategic game, which is different from the traditional geostrategic competition in content and form. This is the first time that the strategic competition of major powers mainly focuses on the field of non-physical geography for mankind. Neither China nor the United States has sufficient experience, and there is also a lack of historical experience to learn from. This paper argues that the Sino-US technological confrontation will not only affect the relationship between China and the United States, but also have negative impacts on the world. Therefore, China and the United States should look for areas of science and technology that can cooperate actively, promote the common prosperity and development of global science and technology, and let science and technology play a new and more constructive role in global politics.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2023.1.39979

EDN: DVINVY

Abstract: The article deals with the problems of formation and functioning of the UN humanitarian system. The author argues that the crisis is not related to the growing gap between funding needs and the amount of donor funds placed at the disposal of the UN, but to the fact that the humanitarian community, which the UN claims to be in charge of, does not represent an integral organism with a clearly defined control center. The Organization's attempts to build a system for coordinating the efforts of the world community to support the affected countries and help people in need and danger ended in failure. At present, the role of the UN is reduced to the performance of two interrelated functions: a channel for bringing donor funds to secondary recipients and a gatekeeper that determines who can be attributed to the humanitarian community, what type of activity deserves to be called humanitarian. In this regard, the author notes, the position of Russia raises questions when strategic planning documents and regulations governing the process of providing humanitarian assistance state that Russia is part of the global humanitarian system. The author suggests that efforts are needed to expose the essence of the existing humanitarian system and offer an alternative that will promote and realize Russia's national interests.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2023.1.39166

EDN: LTIYPG

Abstract: The subject of the study is a set of current ideas, concepts and strategies of representatives of American expert community on Turkish issues. The relevance of the work is determined by the need for a comprehensive analysis of the process of geopolitical transformations in the region taking into account the rising role of Turkey. The research is based on publicistic sources, which include analytical studies, articles, reports and expert assessments of specialists from the leading centers and institutions. The paper shows that the study of the potential of Turkish influence is intended to find a manageable balance of power in the region where Turkey will not oppose to American interests. It is noted that in the post-Soviet space Turkey has already become an indispensable player, proactive and ready to fill the vacuum of political will and power swiftly. The author points out that the expert community emphasizes differing degree of geopolitical influence of Turkey and Russia in the post-Soviet space, which determines the readiness of Turkish leadership to rely on NATO support as a counterbalance to the historical influence of Kremlin in the region. The author concludes that US still considers Turkey as a strategically valuable partner, and in certain scenarios the Republic has a chance to get carte blanche for a sovereign foreign policy and secure a place of a new key player; in this case, the USA can find a new manageable equilibrium in which Turkey's unfriendly actions will not undermine American strategic interests.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2023.1.39954

EDN: LCBSQG

Abstract: The object of this study is contemporary Russian-Latin American relations. The influence of the current international context related to the crisis around Ukraine on Russia's strategic partnerships (SP) with a number of Latin American states is considered in detail. The first part reveals the specifics of this relationship format. The second part analyzes the dynamics of the dialogue with Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua, Peru and Ecuador, depending on the depth of the impact on them of the confrontation between Russia and the West after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine. In conclusion, the work highlights similarities and differences in the lines of conduct of Russia's Latin American strategic partners in today's conflicting international political conditions. This study is one of the first attempts to comprehend the effects of the Ukrainian crisis on the state and possible future of strategic partnerships between Russia and nations of the LAC region. A new look at the issue, involving systematic approach and case study method, which allows analyzing and including each national example of bilateral strategic partnership in the broader context of the dialogue between the Russian Federation and Latin America, determines the author's contribution. Main conclusions are as follows. First, although the reaction of Russia's strategic partners to the Ukrainian crisis and its global consequences varies, their common desire to maintain the momentum of mutually beneficial cooperation with Russia is noticeable. Secondly, within strategic partnerships, one can single out a material and symbolic components, and it is on the second that the complication of the international context has hit the hardest. Finally, the current situation clearly requires Russia to revise its Latin American strategy, the first step of which could just be a rethinking of the SP format.

DOI: 10.25136/2409-8671.2023.1.36063

EDN: LDATWY

Abstract: The purpose of the article is to analyze the mechanism of memory policy in the context of the phenomenon of "collective memory" by M. Halbwaks. The policy of memory is an orderly action of political elites to form the desired set of images and representations of the past by society. Such a strategy makes it possible to solve several problems, in particular the problem of legitimacy, as well as the problem of argumentation of domestic and foreign policy programs chosen by the state, which may also set themselves the task of distorting their own historical past and worsening relations between the two states. The processing of collective memory as a component of social consciousness has undergone a serious evolution and today can represent a lot of aggressive strategies. The scientific novelty of the research is the use of a combined approach to understanding the phenomenon of collective memory and its processing. A combined approach based on the works of M. Halbwaks in the field of sociology and psychoanalysis based on the psychology of the unconscious Z. Freud, as well as the theory of the collective unconscious and its archetypes by C.G. Jung, allows us to identify the interdependence between the differentiation of images of the historical past and the levels of consciousness of the individual. A scheme of interconnection, as well as a scheme of sampling narratives of public consciousness in order to form a universal set of images and representations, has been developed. The conclusions confirm the validity of M. Halbwax's method and its correlation with psychoanalysis, and also indicate the danger of connivance on the part of the Russian state in relation to the aggressive policy of memory in the countries of the post-Soviet space and the former socialist bloc.