Статья 'Божественное право царя и «единство Неба и императора» — концепция «Святой государь» в русской и китайской политических культурах ' - журнал 'Genesis: исторические исследования' - NotaBene.ru
по
Journal Menu
> Issues > Rubrics > About journal > Authors > About the Journal > Requirements for publication > Editorial collegium > The editors and editorial board > Peer-review process > Policy of publication. Aims & Scope. > Article retraction > Ethics > Online First Pre-Publication > Copyright & Licensing Policy > Digital archiving policy > Open Access Policy > Article Processing Charge > Article Identification Policy > Plagiarism check policy
Journals in science databases
About the Journal

MAIN PAGE > Back to contents
Genesis: Historical research
Reference:

The Divine right of the Tsar and the "unity of Heaven and the Emperor" — the concept of the "Holy Sovereign" in Russian and Chinese political cultures

Van Jiehan

PhD in Cultural Studies

Postgraduate student, Department of Regional Studies, Lomonosov Moscow State University

119991, Russia, Moscow region, Moscow, Leninskie Gory str., 1

wjie8160@gmail.com

DOI:

10.25136/2409-868X.2024.3.69406

EDN:

NWKJRS

Received:

22-12-2023


Published:

08-04-2024


Abstract: The image of the sovereign reflects the attitude of the people towards the ruler of the country, which is an important aspect of the study of political culture. This article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the sanctity of the image of the ruler in Russian and Chinese political cultures. The analysis of the origin and specificity of the holy image of the sovereign in the mentalities of both peoples is carried out. The main differences in the process of consecration of the ruler in Russian and Chinese stories are highlighted. In the autocratic Russian and Chinese states, a common understanding of the indisputable authority of the sovereign was at the center of ideology. To ensure the legitimacy and competence of his rights, the Russian tsar turned to Orthodox Christianity for support, and the Chinese emperor turned to Heaven. As a result, since the history of Russia, the power of the sovereign from the very beginning to the end has been limited by the powers of the deity and the authority of the Orthodox Church. In ancient China, the sovereign had "absolute power", since there had never been a so-called "official religion" in Chinese history. Although the monarchical period in both countries has already ended, its duration and stability indicate that the concept of "holy sovereign" as one of the main features of the Russian and Chinese mentality can regulate relations between social groups in the countries. Although the monarchical period in both countries has already ended, its duration and stability indicate that the concept of "holy sovereign" as one of the main features of the Russian and Chinese mentality can regulate relations between social groups in the countries. Such power is of great importance in the modern era.


Keywords:

comparative analysis, political culture, image of sovereign, national mentality, tsar, emperor, Russia, China, state, citizen

This article is automatically translated. You can find original text of the article here.

 

The topic of basic concepts in Russia and China is relevant and widely studied. In the field of comparative analysis of language systems, many studies have been conducted that analyze various language models of the world. It is worth noting the works of such authors as Pereslegina, E.R.[9], Shakhbanova, A. R. [13], and Gak, V. G.[3] The cycle of research performed by Golovanivskaya, M.K. and Efimenko, N.A. is also noteworthy..[4][5][6][7], dedicated to the basic concepts of the language models of the world in Russian, Chinese and French.

The monarchy has played an important role in the history of the Russian and Chinese states and has had a profound impact on their culture. The Sovereign, as the central political figure of the state, is certainly widely reflected in the mentalities of both peoples. In autocratic Russia and China, the ruler was considered holy and great, whose power and authority were bestowed from above and provided by a "higher power".

The first full-fledged cultural images of Russian rulers appeared after the baptism of Rus in 988. In ancient Russian literature, the ruler (prince) was depicted as a God-chosen one and defender of the Orthodox faith and the church [8, p.104]. As an example, Alexander Nevsky, who was canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter referred to as the ROC), can be named a saint.

According to O. A. Platonov, the head of the Russian state was "the anointed of God, the representative of God on earth, standing above all estates" [10, p.14]. In the minds of the people of the autocratic Russian state, the image of the tsar is inseparably linked with the glory of God.

Subsequently, already in the era of the tsars, the importance of the sanctity of the ruler's power continued to grow. The tsar becomes not only the defender of the Orthodox faith, but also the one chosen by God himself to rule the country. Each king is anointed with myrrh or oil, which symbolizes the transfer to him of the gifts of the Holy Spirit necessary for governing the country. This strengthened his authority in the eyes of the believing people [1, p.104].

In the XV century, St. Joseph of Volotsky clearly formulated the close connection between the tsar and God: "The tsar is like all man by nature, and is like the supreme god by power" [12, p. 184]. The whole nation should "work for him according to all his will and his command, as the Lord works, and not as a man" [2, p.89]. Russian Russian tsar's words guaranteed the possession of supreme power and thus emphasized the sacred and inviolable image of the sovereign on Russian soil.

Monk Philotheus, a contemporary of Joseph Volotsky, expanded the concept of the "holy king". Describing the theory of the "Third Rome", he deepened the concept of the authority of the Russian tsar, who was not only the head of Moscow Russia, but also of the entire united kingdom of Orthodoxy: "you are one Christian tsar in the whole celestial empire" [11, pp.358-359]. As a result, the image of the tsar was more closely tied to the Orthodox god, which, of course, more ensured the strength and elevation of the sovereign in the national mentality.

On the other hand, such a strong correlation between the royal power and the will of God actually limited the sovereign's rule to an absolute degree, since in such a context, the king, despite the fact that he received the right to lead the people, was only the "manager" of the state, and not the owner. The glory of God always shines above his name. The monk Philotheus writes: "It is fitting for you, the tsar, to hold this with the fear of God; fear God, who gave you this..." [5, p. 359], that is, the sovereign actually simply "replaces" the position of governing the country, but only secular affairs, because the inner world of the people is the sphere of influence of the church. In this case, autocracy is not an end in itself, but simply a means by which one can achieve the real goal — to protect and strengthen the Orthodox faith. The ruler of the state, of course, is not the owner of the land, but represents an agent of God. Everything he does is just God's will, especially good deeds. The proverb "Whom God has mercy on, the tsar favors," for example, very well reflects the limited power of the Russian sovereign, who cannot act of his own free will, but only at the request of a higher power — God. The sanctity of the image of the king is presented as a projection of an ideal, supreme being in the world, nothing more.

The special role of the God-chosen prince and the sanctity of his power is, of course, due to political reasons. The Orthodox faith played a huge role in uniting the disparate ancient Russian principalities, and also historically acted as a kind of mental core of the Russian people: a single faith served as the basis for consolidating society during military conflicts and other significant historical events. At the same time, the Orthodox religion also served as an extremely important political tool that allowed the princes to strengthen the authority of their government, using the image of a defender of the Orthodox faith and a unifier of Orthodox people.

In ancient China, the image of the sovereign, when compared with the tsar in the traditional Russian mentality, was more associated with superhuman strength. The first leaders of the country were gods in themselves, they had superhuman strength or facial features. For example, the Empress Nyuva () appears as the creator of mankind and is depicted as a figure with the body of a snake, but with the head and hands of a man. The emperor Huang di is said to have had four faces [22, p.47] [26, p.83-84]. Thus, in ancient times in the Chinese state, the sovereigns had deified images, they were gods in themselves, who had the power to control the natural environment and, of course, people's lives.

Yin-Shang[1] is the earliest dynasty in the history of China, the reality of whose existence is confirmed by archaeological finds. The cult of nature and primitive paganism in prehistoric times were preserved and formed the basis of the Yin Shan culture. The worship of non-human "natural" forces, such as gods and spirits, was deeply and widely accepted by the Chinese people.

The sanctity of the sovereign's power during the Yin Shang was based on the foundation of the cult of nature and the cult of ancestors. The ancestral gods and the gods of nature directed their affairs, they had the same status [15, p.112], therefore, according to the then Chinese worldview, there was no single supreme God.

In addition, according to the content of the "Shang Hymn" [28, p.547], Jian Di, a woman from the Yusong tribe, was bathing in the river when a black divine bird flew in the sky. A bird laid an egg in the sky, and Jian Di mistakenly ate it, and when she returned home, she became pregnant and gave birth to Zuci. In other words, Zuqi was born from an egg, and his father was actually a divine bird who sent him to earth to found and lead the state of Yin Shan. The totem of the Shang Dynasty was precisely Xuan-nao, that is, the black bird. This also confirms that the Shang people considered the black bird to be the god of their tribe's ancestors, therefore the sovereign in the Yin-Shang dynasty, who, like the Russian tsar, received the legitimacy and authority of his power from a higher power, included different "semantics" from the point of view of political culture.

Firstly, the concept of "deity" in Chinese culture was perceived as a combination of ancestral gods and nature. In this respect, the political culture of ancient China differs from the Russian one, which emphasized the "exclusivity" of the image of God.

Secondly, in the Russian mentality, the tsar was considered an anointed man. The ancient Chinese viewed the sovereign as an inhuman being with divine blood. This actually meant the deification of the ruler of the state, which not only continued throughout the entire Yin-Shang dynasty, but also influenced the subsequent history of China.

After Yin Shang, the Zhou Dynasty began to rule. As humanity's awareness of nature and procreation deepened, the genetic relationship of the rulers with the gods was destroyed. Consequently, the Chinese sovereign needed new theories to justify the divine legitimacy of his power and status. It was during this period that a new, very important concept for Chinese culture was formed — the Sky.

The Zhou people worshipped the Sky. They understood Heaven as the supreme power that really exists and governs everything in the world. The sovereign of the Zhou Dynasty was called "the Son of Heaven", that is, "The Son of Heaven". This term, the Son of Heaven, is found in inscriptions from the time of Zhou Kang—wang, the third ruler of the Zhou dynasty [27, p.276]. The Son of Heaven was different from the sovereign of the Yin-Shang dynasty, he did not possess superhuman abilities or facial features. He is commanded to do the will of Heaven on earth — to rule the nations.

It resembles the image of the tsar in Russian culture — the executor of God's will. Nevertheless, in the Zhou culture there was no clear indication of the undivine nature of the sovereign. On the contrary, at that time the ruler was considered, if not a god, then still a wonderful being. According to the Sheng Ming verses, the ancestors of the Zhou Dynasty were Hou-ji and his mother Jiang Yuan. One day, while playing in the field, she accidentally discovered the giant's footprints. Thinking that this was very interesting, Jiang Yuan ran in the giant's footsteps. She then became pregnant and gave birth to Hou-ji ten months later. It is obvious that in the early Zhou period there was an idea of the sovereign as in the Yin-Shang dynasty, that is, of superhuman beings who descended to earth thanks to the power of the gods. This is not at all like the image of the Russian tsar as an "anointed man." As society developed in the Zhou Dynasty, they simply stopped explicitly emphasizing the divinity of the ruler.

 In the Zhou dynasty, the Son of Heaven, the sovereign, was the only person in the world who could establish a connection with Heaven, that is, with a higher power. This became the most important justification for his absolute power, which was unlimited and religious. In Russian culture, the Orthodox Church has always had an undeniable influence on both the secular authorities and the spiritual world of the people.

At the same time, since the concept of Heaven in Chinese culture is completely abstract and metaphysical, unlike God, who has a face and a word, the Son of Heaven actually had more power than the Russian tsar — he was more free to interpret and use the will of a higher power.

Since the era of Chunqiu and Zhanguo, the concept of "Heaven" has become more ambiguous. Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism and other philosophical schools have put forward their theories about Heaven. On the one hand, this was due to the development of productivity, which increased a person's cognitive abilities and level. On the other hand, it is the result of the collapse of the unified Zhou state. As the power of the princes grew, who possessed more lands, population and army than the Son of Heaven, they began to strive for the position of supreme ruler. In order to rationalize and legitimize their criminal rule, the princes needed to find a theoretical justification for their political actions. This gave rise to many philosophical schools that put forward various theories and views on the strategy of governing the country and belonging to domination. The two most important of these schools were Confucianism and Legalism.

Confucianism emphasized the theories of "a common sovereign for the whole state" and "the state belongs to the whole people." The theory of "a common sovereign for the whole state" means that the state should be governed by a single supreme sovereign. However, this sovereign was not the owner of the country and even more so the "slave owner of the whole people", he only had the right to manage the affairs of the country. This right to rule, unlike what was perceived during the Yin-Shang periods, was not given by the gods (Confucius at one time clearly stated his rejection of the divine source of the sovereign's power, arguing that a noble person should not pay attention to superhuman strength [18, p. 72]), but by the people. People grant the sovereign the right to rule out of recognition of his moral qualities. The people have the right to recognize and support the rule of the gracious sovereign and the right to overthrow tyranny [19, p.202] [25, p.118]. Therefore, the ideal sovereign according to Confucianism is a "", that is, a "benevolent ruler" whose legitimacy of power lies in his high moral character and personal upbringing.

Confucianism embodied a pronounced humanistic flavor.

Firstly, within its framework, the deification of the sovereign was destroyed, it was emphasized that the ruler is not a superhuman being and pointed out the direct connection between the power of the sovereign and his moral qualities and abilities.

Secondly, Confucianism put forward the idea of "the people are more important than the ruler", which resembles the equality of the ruler and subjects in a democracy. To a certain extent, this already went beyond the perception of the image of the sovereign in the context of feudal politics.

Legalism, despite the fact that it recognized the demythologization of the sovereign, appreciates the rank system. Philosophers of this trend believe that there is a natural difference in status between the ruler and the commoners. For example, Han Fei-tzu stated that "the so-called reason lies in the difference in status between the sovereign and the subject" [9, p.188]. At the same time, he advocated that all power should belong to a single central government, and that the power of the central government should be controlled only by the sovereign, especially legislative and judicial. He emphasized that the monarch should have sole power and should never share power with his subjects, otherwise the sovereign risks losing his country and the state will decline [9, p.59]. This is a draft version of the autocratic centralism of ancient China.

In addition, Chinese legalists advocated governing the state through harsh laws and harsh punishments that would increase the effectiveness of government, increasing the inclination to obey the people. On the other hand, harsh laws and torture can blur the emotional connection between people (friendship, even kinship, etc.), as a result, people will naturally gravitate to the monarch for emotional support, since he has the final judicial right. Thus, within the framework of legalism, the monarch really had unconditional authority, but his holiness did not come from God, but from the estate to which he belonged and from the power he possessed. In this case, the sovereign was not so much a "saint" as an "authoritative" one.

Confucianism was too idealized, so it was not widely recognized by the ruling class during the Chunqiu and Zhanguo periods, and Legalism's approach to governing the country was too harsh and could easily cause popular discontent. Thus, starting from the Qin and Han dynasties, when China re-entered the era of the Great unification, Chinese rulers gradually created a new political philosophy that contained positive aspects. In this kind of political culture, the image of the sovereign was understood as:

1) a person with status and power from birth;

2) a kind and wise "giver";

3) the holder of absolute state power.

At the same time, in order to strengthen their authority, the Chinese sovereigns never completely abandoned the ancient method of action — to deify themselves with the help of birth legends. Such myths are widely represented in the official annals of the Chinese state. According to Wang Jian's calculations, more than 80 legends about the birth of Chinese emperors were found in historical materials from the Han Dynasty to the Qing [24, p.48].

All these myths have similar plots:

1)        The emperor's mother became pregnant by touching holy things during pregnancy or in a dream, saw wonderful objects, which are often a dragon [27, p.783], the sun [14, p.3946], etc.;

2)        At the birth of the sovereigns, holy extraordinary phenomena of nature appeared: for example, a red light shone in the room [10, p.1], the room was full of a wonderful aroma that did not fade for a long time [23, p.2].

Such myths are widespread in official histories. They were one of the key means by which feudal monarchs strengthened their supreme authority and indisputable power. This suggests that the deification of the sovereign, which, although it was refuted by Confucius back in the 5th century BC, existed for a long time in Chinese culture, practically throughout the entire history of feudal China.

Ultimately, Chinese culture crystallized its own political "philosophy" — the unity of Heaven and human traits in the sovereign, according to which the emperor at first glance was a man, not a superman. At the same time, he possessed undivided power, which is directly provided by Heaven, the Highest power in the world.

In the popular culture of Russia, the image of the sovereign-tsar was religious, evangelical. He had all the power because he was God's anointed one. Everything he did was God's will. Therefore, the Russian tsar was great, but not supreme. In Chinese culture, the sovereign was initially God himself, and the deification of his image continued throughout autocratic history. Thus, the sovereign in ancient China possessed more unregulated power than the Russian tsar.

Secondly, in Russian culture, the "higher power" that guides the human world was clearly considered God, and in Chinese culture — Heaven, which can be much more abstract and metaphysical. The influential state religion, of course, helped to achieve the ideological unity of the whole people, it in turn had the right to vote. As a result, the church sometimes prevented the tsar from using his rights. The tsar assumed the responsibility not only to govern the state, but also to strengthen Orthodoxy. Due to the lack of an "official religion" in ancient China, the sovereign received almost absolute power (if such a power really exists in human society).  The Russian mentality always reflects the desire for perfection in the spiritual world on a national scale and on a personal level. Traditional Chinese political culture is completely focused on the affairs of worldly life.

So, despite the degree of freedom of the sovereign's power and his role in the earthly life and spiritual world of the people, autocracy in Russia and China was created on the basis of the understanding and recognition of the masses. Based on this, the political systems in the ancient Russian and Chinese states differ from Caesar's autocracy, which is an autocracy in the context of Western European political culture.

 

[1] The state of Yin-Shan (Chinese: ) was an early kingdom that existed from 1554 to 1046 BC in the lands north of the outlet of the Yellow River to the Great Chinese Plain.

References
1. Barsanova, M. A. (2009). Different bases of representations about the tsar and the contradictions in Russian culture caused by them. Vestnik Tomskogo Gosudarstva Usta, 323, 102-105.
2. Epistle to Grand Duke Basil, in it about the correction of the sign of the cross and about sodom fornication. (1998). Sinitsina N. V. Third Rome. Istoki i Evolution of the Russian Medieval Concept (XV-XVI cc.). Appendix 2. С. 358-363. Moscow: Indrik.
3. Gak, V. G. (2010). Comparative Typology of the French and Russian Languages: Textbook for Students of Pedagogical Institutes, Specialty № 2103 "Foreign Languages". V. G. Gak; V. G. Gak. 4th ed. Moscow: URSS. 
4. Golovanivskaya, M. K. (2022). Representation of Conscience in Russian, French, and Chinese Cultures. In: M. K. Golovanivskaya, N. A. Efimenko (Eds.). Philosophy and Culture, 11, 95-106.
5. Golovanivskaya, M. K. (2023). Representation of male beauty in Russian and Chinese Cultures. In: M. K. Golovanivskaya, N. A. Efimenko (Eds.). Philosophy and Culture, 9, 87-98.
6. Golovanivskaya, M. K. (2023). Representation of Truth in Russian, French, and Chinese Languages and Cultures. In: M. K. Golovanivskaya, N. A. Efimenko (Eds.). Litera, 5, 249-267.
7. Golovanivskaya, M. K. (2023). Representation of the Mind in Russian, French, and Chinese Languages and Cultures. In: M. K. Golovanivskaya, N. A. Efimenko (Eds.). Philosophy and Culture, 5, 117-133.
8. Joseph, Volotsky. (1896). The Enlightener, or the Denunciation of the heresy of the Judaizers. Kazan: Typo-lithography of the Imperial University.
9. Lagunova, I.S. (2017). Image of the Russian political leader: history and modernity. Juvenis scientia5, 42-45.
10. Pereslegina, E. R. (2002). Comparative Analysis of Russian and French Verbs of Motion in Teaching Russian to Foreign Students: Specialty 13.00.02 "Theory and Methodology of Education and Upbringing (by Areas and Levels of Education)": Dissertation Abstract for the Degree of Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences. Pereslegina E. R. Nizhny Novgorod.
11. Platonov, O.A. (2017). The State Dictionary of Holy Russia. Moscow: Institute of Russian Civilization, Native Land. 
12. Shahbanova, A. R. (2014) Worldview of the Somatism "Oculus" ("Eye") in Languages of Different Typologies (Based on the Material of the Lezgian, Russian, and French Languages): Specialty 10.02.20 "Comparative-Historical, Typological, and Comparative Linguistics": Dissertation for the Degree of Candidate of Philological Sciences. Shahbanova A. R. Makhachkala.
13. Zimin, A. A. , & Lurie, Ya. S. (1959). Epistles of Joseph of Volotsk. Moscow: L., Izd-wo AS USSR.
14. [汉]班固/[唐]颜师古注. 汉书. 卷九十七上 [M]. 香港:中华书局,1962:4273. (Ban Gu from Han Dynasty, translated with annotations by Yan Shigu (1962). The Book of Han. Volume 97. First part. Hong Kong: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
15.  晁福林.论殷代神权[J].中国社会科学,1990,1:99-112.  (Chao Fulin. (1990). On the Theocracy in the Yin Dynasty. Chinese social sciences, 1, 99-112.)
16. [战国]韩非子/高华平,王齐洲,张三夕译注. 韩非子 [M]. 北京:中华书局,2010:765. (Han Fei-zi from the Zhang period, translated with annotations by Gao Huapin, & Wang Qizhou, & Zhang Sansi (2010). Han Fei-zi. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
17. [明]胡广等/李国祥主编.明实录类纂 人物传记卷 [M].武汉:武汉出版社,1990:1290. (Hu Guang, & others from Ming Dynasty, & Li Guoxiang (Ed.). (1991). Collection of truthful records of the reign of the Ming dynasty. Volume with biographies. Wuhan: Wuhan Publishing House.)
18. [春秋]孔子/杨伯峻译注.论语译注[M]. 北京:中华书局,1980:316. (Confucius from the Chunqiu period, & Yang Bojun (translated with annotations). (1980). Translations with Annotations of the "Lunyu". Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
19. [春秋]孔子/王国轩,王秀梅译注.孔子家语[M]. 北京:中华书局,2011:575. (Confucius from the Chunqiu period, & Wang Guoxuan, & Wang Xiumei (translated with annotations). (2011). The Analects of Confucius. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
20. [宋]李昉等.太平御览[M]. 北京:中华书局,2000:4426. (Li Fang, & others from Song Dynasty. (2000). Taiping yulan. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
21. [汉]司马迁/韩兆琦译注. 史记 [M]. 北京:中华书局,2010:7769. (Sima Qian from Han Dynasty, & Han Zhaozi (translated with annotations). (2010). Records of the Grand Historian. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
22. [汉]宋衷/[清]秦嘉谟等辑.世本八种.张澍稡集补注本[M]. 上海:商务印书馆,1957:1032. (Song Zhong from Han Dynasty, & Qin Jiamo ,& others (Ed). (1957). The Eight Variants of Shi Ben. Volume of the collection with commentary by Zhang Shuzui. Shanghai: Commercial Publishing House.)
23. [元]脱脱等.宋史(全四十册). 第一册. 卷一至卷一二(纪)[M].上海:中华书局,1977:252. (Tuo Tuo ,&  ithers from Yuan Dynasty. (1977).  History of the Song Dynasty (All 40 Books). Book 1. Volume 1-12 (Chronicles). Shanghai: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
24. 王倩.感生、异相与异象:“天命”神话建构王权叙事的路径[J].   安徽大学学报(哲学社会科学版),  2020-01-10:45-54. (Wang Qian. (2020). Induction, heterogeneity and vision: the way in which the myth of the 'mandate of destiny' constructs a narrative of royalty. Bulletin of Anhui University: philosophy and social sciences strip, 2020-01-10, 45-54.)
25. [战国]荀子/方勇,李波译注. 荀子 [M]. 北京:中华书局,2011:511. (Xunzi from the Zhang period, & Fan Yong, & Li Bo (translated with annotations). (2011). Xunzi. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
26. 杨伯峻辑.列子集释[M]. 北京:中华书局,1979:350. (Yang Bojun (Ed.). (1979). Collected Interpretations of Liezi. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)
27. 中国社会科学院考古研究所 编修. 殷周金文集成 第四卷[M]. 香港:香港中文大学中国文化研究所,2001: 470. (The Institute of Archaeology, CASS. (Ed.). (2001). The Complete Collection of Bronze Inscriptions from the Yin and Zhou Dynasties, Revised and Enlarged Edition. Volume IV. Hong Kong: Institute of Chinese Cultural Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong.)
28. 周振甫译注.诗经译注[M]. 北京:中华书局,2002:555. (Zhou Zhenfu (translation from Classical Chinese into Modern Chinese and commentary). (2002). Translation and commentary of the Shi Jing. Beijing: Chinese Book Publishing House.)

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

Russian Russian and Chinese political cultures The subject of the research presented for publication in the journal Genesis: Historical Studies in an article entitled "The Divine Right of the Tsar and the Unity of Heaven and the Emperor" — the concept of the "Holy Sovereign" in Russian and Chinese political cultures" is the concept of the "Holy Sovereign" (in the object) in political culture, considered on the example of Russian and Chinese cultures. The author describes in general terms the historical conditionality of the formation in Russian political culture of the concept of the Tsar ("the anointed of God") and the concept of the Son of Heaven in Chinese political culture, which significantly influenced the mentality of Russia and China, respectively. The reviewer notes that not all significant historical events that influenced these concepts have been taken into account by the author. For example, the role of the fall of Orthodox Byzantium under the onslaught of Mehmed II (1453), whose desire to appropriate the glory of restoring the lost greatness of the Ancient Roman Empire, almost succeeded, does not fall into the orbit of the author's attention. Although it was the fact of the fall of Constantinople that provoked the idea of the Russian Tsar and "Moscow is the third Rome" in the interpretation of Philotheus, implying the responsibility of Moscow and the Moscow Prince for the preservation of the Orthodox faith. Nevertheless, in general terms, the author considered the similarities and distinctive features of the concepts of the Orthodox Tsar and the Son of Heaven, sufficiently substantiating the considered aspects and his own position. Thus, it can be considered that the subject of the study has been disclosed by the author at a theoretical level sufficient for publication. Although the author's interpretation presented in detail remains vulnerable, indisputable. In this case, according to the reviewer, the author provokes a sufficient number of opponents to a fruitful theoretical discussion. The research methodology is based on a comparative historical approach, reinforced by comparative studies of the history of ideas. The author does not pay special attention to the formalization of the research program in the introductory part of the article, but it can be seen in the logic of the presentation of the main arguments. The author also does not concern possible methodological disagreements, which do not allow unambiguously interpreting the result he received. Nevertheless, the author's position is well outlined and sufficiently reasoned. The author's final conclusion deserves attention. The author does not explain the relevance of the research topic to the reader, but it is quite obvious that the presented perspective complements the modern discussions around the historical originality and interaction of the cultures of Russia and China due to their continued rapprochement. The scientific novelty expressed in the author's interpretation of epistolary sources and the generalization of the research results of individual colleagues in Russia and China is trustworthy, although it provokes supporters of other approaches to intensify theoretical discussions. The style is generally scientific, although there are some points that require the author's attention. In at least three statements, stylistic errors must be corrected so that the author's thought becomes clear: "... there was no clear indication of the undivine nature of the sovereign ...", "... since the concept of Heaven in Chinese culture is completely abstract and metaphysical ...", "... possessed more unregulated power than ..." The structure of the article generally corresponds to the logic of presenting the results of scientific research. The bibliography, taking into account the author's reference to well-known epistolary sources, generally reflects the problematic field of research, although, the reviewer notes, a weak reflection of the current state of scientific discussion (only 1 scientific publication over the last 3-5 years). The appeal to the opponents is generally correct and sufficient. Taking into account the fact that the author will certainly cope with the necessary adjustment of individual stylistic descriptions, the article, after minor revision, may be of interest to the readership of the Genesis: Historical Research magazine.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The author presented his article "The Divine Right of the Tsar and the Unity of Heaven and the Emperor" — the concept of the "Holy Sovereign" in Russian and Chinese political cultures" to the journal Genesis: Historical Studies, in which a study of the role of the ruler in the cultures of the two countries was conducted. The author proceeds in studying this issue from the fact that the monarchy played an important role in the history of the Russian and Chinese states and had a profound influence on their culture. The sovereign, as the central political figure of the state, is widely reflected in the mentalities of both peoples. In autocratic Russia and China, the ruler was considered holy and great, whose power and authority were bestowed from above and provided by a "higher power". The relevance of this study is due to the increased attention to Russian-Chinese relations in the light of the current geopolitical and socio-economic situation in the world. The purpose of this article is to analyze the ideas about the origin of power and the role of the ruler in the Russian and Chinese worldviews, to identify their similarities and differences. The methodological basis was an integrated approach, including comparative, historical and socio-cultural analysis. The theoretical justification was the works of such researchers as Lagunova I.S. Golovanivskaya M. K., Pereslegina E. R., Gak V.G., etc. Based on the analysis of the scientific development of the studied issues, the author concludes that the topic of basic concepts in Russia and China is relevant and widely researched. In the field of comparative analysis of language systems, many studies have been conducted that analyze various language models of the world. The scientific novelty of this study lies in the comparison of the concept of the supreme ruler in the Russian and Chinese cultural pictures of the world. With the help of historical analysis, the author traced the evolution of the concept of the origin of supreme power in Ancient China: from the divine origin of the emperor, who has absolute power, to the ruler, whose power is approved and supported by the people. In Ancient Russia, the ruler (prince) was considered the supreme ruler, but the authority of his authority was limited by the Orthodox Church. As a result of the comparative analysis, the author noted the following key points. In Russian culture, the tsar assumed the responsibility not only to govern the state, but also to strengthen Orthodoxy. Due to the lack of an "official religion" in ancient China, the sovereign received almost absolute power. The Russian mentality, as the author notes, always reflects the desire for spiritual perfection both at the state and at the personal level. Traditional Chinese political culture is completely focused on the affairs of worldly life. Based on the research done, the author concludes that the Russian and Chinese autocratic power systems have more similar characteristics to each other, significantly differing from the system of absolutism of Western European political culture. In conclusion, the author presents a conclusion on the conducted research, which contains all the key provisions of the presented material. It seems that the author in his material touched upon relevant and interesting issues for modern socio-humanitarian knowledge, choosing for analysis a topic, consideration of which in scientific research discourse will entail certain changes in the established approaches and directions of analysis of the problem addressed in the presented article. The results obtained suggest that the study of the perception and designation of similar socio-cultural concepts by different world cultures is of undoubted scientific and practical cultural interest and deserves further study. It should be noted that the author has achieved his goal. The material presented in the work has a clear, logically structured structure that contributes to a more complete assimilation of the material. This is facilitated by the choice of a methodological framework. The bibliographic list of the research consists of 28 sources, including foreign ones, which seems sufficient for generalization and analysis of scientific discourse on the studied problem. It should be noted that the article may be of interest to readers and deserves to be published in a reputable scientific publication.
Link to this article

You can simply select and copy link from below text field.


Other our sites:
Official Website of NOTA BENE / Aurora Group s.r.o.